Editing Irredentism (section)

=== Ethnicity and nationalism ===
[[File:Territorial gains of Hungary 1938-41 en.svg|thumb|[[Hungarian irredentism]] in the 1930s contributed to Hungary's decision to ally with [[Nazi Germany]].{{sfn|Hames|2004|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=0KhyA30EJiUC&pg=PA36 36]}}{{sfn|Hanebrink|2018|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=aFhuDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA140 140]}}]]
A common explanation of irredentism focuses on ethnic arguments.{{sfn|White|Millett|2019|p=420}}{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}}{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=2–3}} It is based on the observation that irredentist claims are primarily advanced by states with a homogenous ethnic population. This is explained by the idea that, if a state is composed of several [[ethnic groups]], then annexing a territory inhabited primarily by one of those groups would shift the power balance in favor of this group. For this reason, other groups in the state are likely to internally reject the irredentist claims. This inhibiting factor is not present for homogeneous states. A similar argument is also offered for the enclave to be annexed: an ethnically heterogenous enclave is less likely to desire to be absorbed by another state for ethnic reasons since this would only benefit one ethnic group.{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}}{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=2–3}} These considerations explain, for example, why irredentism is not very common in [[Africa]] since most African states are ethnically heterogeneous.{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}} Relevant factors for the ethnic motivation for irredentism are how large the dominant ethnic group is relative to other groups and how large it is in absolute terms. It also matters whether the ethnic group is relatively dispersed or located in a small core area and whether it is politically disadvantaged.{{sfn|Saideman|Ayres|2000|pp=[https://www.jstor.org/stable/2647868 1126–1144]}}

Explanations focusing on nationalism are closely related to ethnicity-based explanations.{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}}{{sfn|Clarke|Foweraker|2003|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=eT9PEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA375 375–376]}} Nationalism can be defined as the claim that the boundaries of a state should match those of the nation.{{sfn|Hechter|2000|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=O3jnCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA7 7]}}{{sfn|Gellner|2008|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=XPHpUSUAsF0C&pg=PA1 1]}} According to [[social constructivism|constructivist]] accounts, for example, the dominant [[national identity]] is one of the central factors behind irredentism. In this view, identities based on ethnicity, culture, and history can easily invite tendencies to enlarge national borders. They may justify the goal of integrating ethnically and culturally similar territories. Civic national identities focusing more on a political nature, on the other hand, are more closely tied to pre-existing national boundaries.{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}}

Structural accounts use a slightly different approach and focus on the relationship between nationalism and the regional context. They focus on the tension between [[state sovereignty]] and national [[self-determination]].{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}} State sovereignty is the principle of [[international law]] holding that each state has sovereignty over its own territory. It means that states are not allowed to interfere with essentially domestic affairs of other states.{{sfn|UN|1945}} National self-determination, on the other hand, concerns the right of people to determine their own international [[political status]].{{sfn|LII staff|2022}} According to the structural explanation, emphasis on national self-determination may legitimize irredentist claims while the principle of state sovereignty defends the status quo of the existing sovereign borders. This position is supported by the observation that irredentist conflicts are much more common during times of international upheavals.{{sfn|Ambrosio|2011|pp=1346–1348|loc=irredentism}}

[[File:AZ-qa-location-en.svg|thumb|left|alt=Map of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict|The [[Nagorno-Karabakh conflict]] is an example of how irredentist movements, like [[Armenia]]'s intervention, try to justify their aggression as [[humanitarian intervention]]s.]]
Another factor commonly cited as a force fueling irredentism is [[discrimination]] against the main ethnic group in the enclave.{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|p=3}} Irredentist states often try to legitimize their aggression against neighbors by presenting them as [[humanitarian intervention]]s aimed at protecting their discriminated ethnic kin. This justification was used, for example, in [[Armenia]]'s engagement in the [[Nagorno-Karabakh]] conflict, in Serbia's involvement in the [[Croatian War of Independence]], and in [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|Russia's annexation of Crimea]].{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=8–9}}{{sfn|Ambrosio|2022}} Some political theorists, like David S. Siroky and Christopher W. Hale, hold that there is little [[empirical evidence]] for arguments based on ethnic homogeneity and discrimination. In this view, they are mainly used as a pretext to hide other goals, such as material gain.{{sfn|Griffiths|O'Callaghan|Roach|2008|pp=[https://books.google.com/books?id=9vU7xX4eNf4C&pg=PA175 175–177]}}{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=2–3}}{{sfn|Orabator|1981|pp=[https://www.jstor.org/stable/41857111 166–181]}}

Another relevant factor is the outlook of the population inhabiting the territory to be annexed. The desire of the irredentist state to annex a foreign territory and the desire of that territory to be annexed do not always overlap.{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=1–2}} In some cases, a minority group does not want to be annexed, as was the case for the [[Crimean Tatars]] in Russia's annexation of Crimea.{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=1–2}}{{sfn|Walker|2022}} In other cases, a minority group would want to be annexed but the intended parent state is not interested.{{sfn|Siroky|Hale|2017|pp=1–2}}