Editing Glorious Revolution (section)

==Dutch intervention==

===Prelude: 1685 to June 1688===
[[File:Hugo Vogel - Empfang der Refugies (Hugenotten) durch den Großen Kurfürsten im Potsdamer Schloss, 1885.JPG|thumb|upright=1.0|[[Huguenot]] refugees, whose expulsion from France in 1685 helped create a sense that Protestant Europe was under threat]]

In 1677, James's elder daughter and heir Mary married her Protestant cousin [[William III of England|William III of Orange]], [[stadtholder]] of the main provinces of the [[Dutch Republic]]. The two initially shared common objectives in wanting Mary to succeed her father, while French ambitions in the [[Spanish Netherlands]] threatened both English and Dutch trade.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|pp=81–82}} Although William sent James [[Scots Brigade|troops]] to help suppress the 1685 [[Monmouth Rebellion]], their relationship deteriorated thereafter.{{Sfn|Troost|2005|p=175}}

The [[Franco-Dutch War]], continued [[War of the Reunions|French expansion]], and [[Edict of Fontainebleau|expulsion of the Huguenots]] meant William assumed another war was inevitable, and although the [[States General of the Netherlands]] preferred peace, the majority accepted he was correct. This view was widely shared throughout Protestant Europe; in October 1685, [[Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg]] renounced his French alliance for one with the Dutch. In July 1686, other Protestant states formed the anti-French [[League of Augsburg]], with Dutch support. Securing or neutralising English resources, especially the [[Royal Navy]], now became key to both sides.{{Sfn|Stapleton|2003|pp=63–64}}

Following a skirmish between French and Dutch naval vessels in July 1686, William concluded English neutrality was not enough and he needed their active support in the event of war.{{Sfn|Troost|2001|p=187}} His relationship with James was affected by the fact both men relied on advisors with relatively limited views; in William's case, mainly English and Scots Presbyterian exiles, the latter with close links to the Protestant minority in Ireland, who saw Tyrconnell's policies as a threat to their existence. Having largely alienated his Tory support base, James depended on a small circle of Catholic converts like [[Robert Spencer, 2nd Earl of Sunderland|Sunderland]], [[John Drummond, 1st Earl of Melfort|Melfort]] and [[James Drummond, 4th Earl of Perth|Perth]].{{Sfn|Glozier|2000|pp=233–234}}

[[File:Portret van Willem III (1650-1702), prins van Oranje, SK-A-879.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[William III of England]], [[stadtholder]] of Guelders, Holland, Zealand, Utrecht and Overijssel]]

Suspicions increased when James sought William's backing for repealing the [[Test Acts]]; he predictably refused, further damaging their relationship.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|pp=213–214}} Having previously assumed he was guaranteed English support in a war with France, William now worried he might face an Anglo-French alliance like during the ''[[Rampjaar]]'', despite assurances by James he had no intention of doing so. Historians argue whether these assurances were genuine, but James did not fully appreciate the distrust caused by his domestic policies.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|pp=256}} In August 1687, William's cousin [[William Nassau de Zuylestein, 1st Earl of Rochford|de Zuylestein]] travelled to England with condolences on the death of [[Mary of Modena]]'s mother, allowing him to make contact with the political opposition. Throughout 1688, his English supporters provided William detailed information on public opinion and developments, very little of which was intercepted.{{Sfn|Jones|1988|p=222}}

In October 1687, after fourteen years of marriage and multiple miscarriages, it was announced the Queen was pregnant, Melfort immediately declaring it was a boy. When James then wrote to Mary urging her to convert to Catholicism, it convinced many he was seeking a Catholic heir, one way or the other and may have been a deciding factor in whether to invade.{{Sfn|Hoak|1996|p=24}} Early in 1688, [[A letter, writ by Mijn Heer Fagel (Pensioner of Holland) to Mr. James Stewart (Advocate); giving an account of the Prince and Princess of Orange's thoughts concerning the repeal of the test, and the penal laws|a pamphlet]] circulated in England written by Dutch [[Grand Pensionary]] [[Gaspar Fagel]]; this guaranteed William's support for freedom of worship for Dissenters ''and'' retaining the Test Acts, unlike James who offered tolerance in return for repeal.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|pp=256–257}}{{Sfn|Fagel|1688}}

In April 1688, [[Louis XIV of France|Louis XIV]] announced tariffs on Dutch [[herring]] imports, along with plans to support the Royal Navy in the [[English Channel]]. James immediately denied making any such request, but fearing it was the prelude to a formal alliance, the Dutch began preparing a military intervention.{{Sfn|Troost|2005|p=191}} On the pretext of needing additional resources to deal with [[Dunkirkers|French privateers]], in July the States General authorised an additional 9,000 sailors and 21 new warships.{{Sfn|Prud'homme van Reine|2009|p=287}}

===Invitation to William===
[[File:Earl of Romney.jpg|thumb|upright=0.7|[[Henry Sydney, 1st Earl of Romney|Henry Sydney]], who drafted the [[Invitation to William]]]]

The success of William's invasion would partly depend on domestic support, and at the end of April William met with [[Edward Russell, 1st Earl of Orford|Edward Russell]], unofficial envoy for the Whig opposition. In a conversation recorded by [[Gilbert Burnet]], he requested a formal invitation asking him to "rescue the nation and the religion", with a projected date of end September.{{Sfn|Baxter|1966|p=225}} William subsequently claimed he was 'forced' to take control of the conspiracy when Russell warned him the English would rise against James even without his help, and he feared this would lead to a republic, depriving his wife of her inheritance.{{Sfn|Baxter|1966|p=231}}

Although this version is strongly disputed, Zuylestein returned to England in June, ostensibly to congratulate James on his new son, in reality to co-ordinate with William's supporters.{{Sfn|Jones|1988|pp=238–239}} Spurred by the prospect of a Catholic successor, the "[[Invitation to William]]" was quickly drafted by [[Henry Sydney, 1st Earl of Romney|Henry Sydney]], later described by Whig historians as "the great wheel on which the Revolution rolled".{{Sfn|Jones|1988|p=222}}{{Efn|"We have great reason to believe, we shall be every day in a worse condition than we are, and less able to defend ourselves, and therefore we do earnestly wish we might be so happy as to find a remedy before it be too late for us to contribute to our own deliverance&nbsp;... the people are so generally dissatisfied with the present conduct of the government, in relation to their religion, liberties and properties (all which have been greatly invaded), and they are in such expectation of their prospects being daily worse, that your Highness may be assured, there are nineteen parts of twenty of the people throughout the kingdom, who are desirous of a change; and who, we believe, would willingly contribute to it, if they had such a protection to countenance their rising, as would secure them from being destroyed."{{Sfn|Dalrymple|1790|loc=appendix to book&nbsp;v, pp.&nbsp;107–110}}}} The signatories provided no considerable political power, but they were selected to make it seem like they represented a broad spectrum, and provided William with an essential propaganda tool.{{Sfn|Israel|2003|p=12}}{{Sfn|Childs|1988|p=418}} [[Thomas Osborne, 1st Duke of Leeds|Danby]], a Tory, and [[William Cavendish, 1st Duke of Devonshire|Devonshire]], a Whig; Henry Compton, Bishop of London, for the church; [[Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury|Shrewsbury]] and [[Richard Lumley, 1st Earl of Scarbrough|Lumley]] for the army, and finally Russell and Sydney for the navy.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|p=271}} They promised to support a Dutch landing, but stressed the importance of acting quickly.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|p=272}}

The Invitation was carried to The Hague on 30 June by [[Arthur Herbert, 1st Earl of Torrington|Rear Admiral Herbert]], disguised as a common sailor. Meanwhile, William's ally [[William Bentinck, 1st Earl of Portland|Bentinck]] launched a propaganda campaign in England, which presented him as a "true Stuart", but one without the faults of either James or Charles II. Much of the "spontaneous" support for William on his landing was organised by Bentinck and his agents.{{Sfn|Claydon|Levillain|2016|p=150}}