Editing Commentarii de Bello Gallico (section)

==Motifs and peoples in the ''De Bello Gallico''==

=== Leaders of the Gallic tribes ===
In the ''Commentarii de Bello Gallico'', [[Julius Caesar|Caesar]] mentions several leaders of the Gallic tribes.  Among these, [[Diviciacus (Aedui)|Diviciacus]] and [[Vercingetorix]] are notable for their contributions to the [[Gaul]]s during war.

==== Diviciacus ====
Books 1 and 6 detail the importance of Diviciacus, a leader of the [[Aedui|Haedui]] (Aedui), which lies mainly in the friendly relationship between Caesar and Diviciacus, said to be "the one person in whom Caesar had absolute confidence" (1.41). His brother, [[Dumnorix]] had committed several acts against the Romans because he wanted to become king (1.18); thus Caesar was able to make his alliance with Diviciacus even stronger by sparing Dumnorix from punishment while also forcing Diviciacus to control his own brother. Diviciacus had, in tears, begged Caesar to spare the life of his brother, and Caesar saw an opportunity to not only fix his major problem with Dumnorix, but also to strengthen the relationship between Rome and one of its small allies. Another major action taken by Diviciacus was his imploring of Caesar to take action against the Germans and their leader, [[Ariovistus]]. His fear of Ariovistus and the general outcry from the Gallic people led Caesar to launch a campaign against the Germans, even though they had been considered friends of the Republic.

==== Vercingetorix ====
[[File:Inauguration statue vercingétorix.JPG|thumb|Statue of [[Vercingetorix]], erected in 1903 in Clermont-Ferrand, France]]
[[Vercingetorix]], leader of the [[Arverni]], united the Gallic tribes against Caesar during the winter of 53–52 BC. This appears in Book VII, chapters 1–13. Vercingetorix's father, Celtillus, was killed after attempting to seize power amongst the Arverni; for that reason, Vercingetorix was a social outcast and had much to gain from a rebellion. When it was clear that Caesar had defeated the Gallic rebellion, Vercingetorix offered to sacrifice himself, and put himself at the mercy of Caesar, in order to ensure that his kinsmen were spared. After the defeat, Vercingetorix was brought to Rome and imprisoned for six years before being brought out to adorn Caesar's triumph over Gaul and then publicly executed. Today, Vercingetorix is seen in the same light as others who opposed Roman conquest; he is now considered a national hero in France and a model patriot.{{Citation needed span|text=|date=February 2020|reason=}}

=== The Germanic peoples ===

In ''De Bello Gallico'' 6.21–28, Julius Caesar provides his audience with a picture of Germanic lifestyle and culture. He depicts the Germans as primitive hunter gatherers with diets mostly consisting of meat and dairy products who only celebrate earthly gods such as the sun, fire, and the moon (6.21–22). German women reportedly wear small cloaks of deer hides and bathe in the river naked with their fellow men, yet their culture celebrates men who abstain from sex for as long as possible (6.21). Caesar concludes in chapters 25–28 by describing the Germans living in the almost-mythological Hercynian forest full of oxen with horns in the middle of their foreheads, elks without joints or ligatures, and uri who kill every man they come across.

However, the distinguishing characteristic of the Germans for Caesar, as described in chapters 23 and 24, is their warring nature, which they believe is a sign of true valour (6.23). The Germans have no neighbors, because they have driven everyone out from their surrounding territory (6.23). Their greatest political power resides in the wartime magistrates, who have power over life and death (6.23). While Caesar certainly respects the warring instincts of the Germans,<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Polito|first1=Robert|title=Caesar, the Germani, and Rome|journal=Hyperboreus|date=2012|volume=18|issue=1|pages=107–126}}</ref> he directs his readers to see that their cultures are simply too barbaric, especially when contrasted with the high-class Gallic [[Druid]]s described at the beginning of chapter six.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Guzman|first1=Armario|last2=Javier|first2=Francisco|title=El Barbaro: La Gran Innovacion De Julio Cesar|journal=Latomus|date=2002|volume=61|issue=3|pages=577–588}}</ref> For example, Caesar writes that robberies committed outside of the state are legalized in hopes of teaching young people discipline and caution, an idea nearly offensive to the judicial practices of the Romans (6.23). Caesar's generalizations, alongside the writings of Tacitus, form the barbaric identity of the Germans for the ancient world.

=== The Druids  ===
Caesar's account of the [[Druids]] and the "superstitions" of the Gallic nations are documented in Book 6, chapters 13, 14 and 16–18 of ''De Bello Gallico''.  In chapter 13, he mentions the importance of Druids in the culture and social structure of Gaul at the time of his conquest. Chapter 14 addresses the education of the Druids and the high social standing that comes with their position. He first comments on the role of sacrificial practices in their daily lives in chapter 16. Caesar highlights the sacrificial practices of the Druids containing innocent people and the large sacrificial ceremony where hundreds of people were burnt alive at one time to protect the whole from famine, plague, and war (6.16). Chapter 17 and 18 focuses on the divinities the Gauls believed in and Dis, the god which they claim they were descended from. This account of the Druids highlights Caesar's interest in the order and importance of the Druids in Gaul.

Caesar spent a great amount of time in Gaul and his book is one of the best preserved accounts of the Druids from an author who was in Gaul.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Webster|first=Jane|date=1999|title=At the End of the World: Druidic and Other Revitalization Movements in Post-Conquest Gaul and Britain|journal=Britannia|volume=30|pages=1–20|doi=10.2307/526671|jstor=526671|s2cid=162214983 }}</ref> However, although Caesar provides what is seemingly a first-hand account, much of his knowledge of the Druids comes not from personal experience, but rather from the hearsay of others, and is regarded as anachronistic.<ref name=":0" /> Caesar based some of his account on that of Posidonius, who wrote a clear and well-known account of the Druids in Gaul.<ref name=":0" /> Caesar provides his account of the Druids as a means of sharing his knowledge and educating the Roman people on the foreign conquests.

There is no doubt that the Druids offered sacrifices to their god. However, scholars are still uncertain about what kind of offerings they made. Caesar and other Roman authors assert that the Druids would offer human sacrifices on numerous occasions for relief from disease and famine or for a successful war campaign. Caesar provides a detailed account of the manner in which the supposed human sacrifices occurred in chapter 16, claiming that "they have images of immense size, the limbs of which are framed with twisted twigs and filled with living persons.  These being set on fire, those within are encompassed by the flames" (6.16).

Caesar, however, also observes and mentions a civil Druid culture. In chapter 13, he claims that they selected a single leader who ruled until his death, and a successor would be chosen by a vote or through violence. Also in chapter 13, he mentions that the Druids studied "the stars and their movements, the size of the cosmos and the earth, the nature of the world, and the powers of immortal deities," signifying to the Roman people that the Druids were also versed in astrology, cosmology, and theology. Although Caesar is one of the few primary sources on the Druids, many believe that he had used his influence to portray the Druids to the Roman people as both barbaric, as they performed human sacrifices, and civilized in order to depict the Druids as a society worth assimilating to Rome (6.16).

=== Vorenus and Pullo ===
{{main|Vorenus and Pullo}}
Lucius Vorenus and Titus Pullo were two centurions in the garrison of [[Quintus Tullius Cicero]], brother of [[Cicero|Marcus Tullius Cicero]], and are mentioned in Book 5.44 of ''De Bello Gallico''. They were bitter rivals who both sought to achieve the greatest honors "and every year used to contend for promotion with the utmost animosity" (5.44). Their garrison had come under siege during a rebellion by the tribes of the [[Belgae]] led by [[Ambiorix]]. They showed their prowess during this siege by jumping from the wall and directly into the enemy despite being completely outnumbered. During the fighting, they both find themselves in difficult positions and are forced to save each other, first Vorenus saving Pullo and then Pullo saving Vorenus. Through great bravery they are both able to make it back alive slaying many enemies in the process. They return to the camp showered in praise and honors by their fellow soldiers. Though they started out in competition, they both showed themselves to be worthy of the highest praise and equal to each other in bravery (5.44).

Caesar uses this anecdote to illustrate the courage and bravery of his soldiers. Since his forces had already been humiliated and defeated in previous engagements, he needed to report a success story to Rome that would lift the spirits of the people. Furthermore, the tale of unity on the battlefield between two personal rivals is in direct opposition to the disunity of [[Quintus Titurius Sabinus|Sabinus]] and [[Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta|Cotta]], which resulted in the destruction of an entire legion.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Brown|first=Robert|date=2004|title=Virtus Consili Expers: An Interpretation of the Centurions' Contest in Caesar, ''De Bello Gallico'' 5, 44.|jstor=4477610|journal=Hermes|volume=132|issue=3|pages=292–308}}</ref> He relates this particular account to illustrate that, despite the losses against Ambiorix and his army, Rome is still able to trust in the valor of its soldiers. Thus, Caesar turns a military blunder into a positive propaganda story.

===Hostage exchanges===
In the first two books of ''De Bello Gallico'', there are seven examples of hostage exchanges. First, the Helveti exchange hostages with the [[Sequani]] as a promise that the Sequani will let the Helveti pass and that the Helveti will not cause mischief (1.9 and 1.19).  The [[Helvetii|Helveti]] also give Caesar hostages to ensure that the Helveti keep their promises (1.14).  Then the [[Aedui]] gave hostages to the Sequani, during the Sequani's rise to power (1.31).  In Book 2, the [[Belgae]] were exchanging hostages to create an alliance against Rome (2.1) and  the [[Remi]] offered Caesar hostages in their surrender (2.3, 2.5).  Later in the book Caesar receives 600 hostages from the Aedui (2.15) and other hostages from most of Gaul (2.35).  This practice of exchanging hostages continues to be used throughout Caesar's campaigns in diplomacy and foreign policy.

Today the term [[hostage]] has a different connotation than it did for the Ancient Romans, which is shown in the examples above.  Where the Romans did take prisoners of war, hostages could also be given or exchanged in times of peace.  The taking of hostages as collateral during political arrangements was a common practice in ancient Rome.<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Lee|first=A. D.|date=1991|title=The Role of Hostages in Roman Diplomacy with Sasanian Persia|journal=Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte|volume=40|pages=366–374}}</ref> The idea of the practice was that important people from each side were given to ensure that both sides kept their word; a type of contract.  Two examples of this: Caesar demanding the children of chieftains (2.5) and accepting the two sons of King Galba (2.13).  However, as seen by Caesar, sometimes it was only a one-way exchange, with Caesar taking hostages but not giving any.

There is evidence though, particularly in Caesar's ''De Bello Gallico'', indicating that the practice was not always effective. Cities often moved to rebel against Rome, even though hostages were in Roman custody. Occasionally, hostages would be entrusted to a neutral or mediating party during a rebellion, such as the time one hundred hostages surrendered by the Senones were placed in the custody of the Aedui who helped negotiate between the dissidents and Caesar.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=Moscovich|first=M.J.|date=December 1979 – January 1980|title=Obsidibus Traditis: Hostages in Caesar's De Bello Gallico|journal=The Classical Journal|volume=75|pages=122–128}}</ref> Some sources say there is not much evidence that hostages were even harmed, at least severely, in retribution of the broken agreements.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /> It is commonly noted that Caesar never mentions penalties being dealt to hostages.<ref name=":2" /> Taking hostages did benefit Rome in one particular way: since hostages were commonly the sons of political figures and would typically be under Roman watch for a year or more, Romans had ample time to introduce those hostages to the Roman customs in hopes that when they were freed, they would go on to become influential political leaders themselves and favor Rome in subsequent foreign relations.<ref name=":1" />