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==Atrocity story== The term '''atrocity story''', also referred to as an '''atrocity tale''', as it is defined by the American [[sociology|sociologists]] [[David G. Bromley]] and [[Anson Shupe|Anson D. Shupe]] refers to the symbolic presentation of action or events (real or imaginary) in such a context that they are made flagrantly to violate the (presumably) shared premises upon which a given set of social relationships should be conducted. The recounting of such tales is intended as a means of reaffirming normative boundaries. By sharing the reporter's disapproval or horror, an audience reasserts normative prescription and clearly locates the violator beyond the limits of [[public morality]]. The term was coined in 1979 by Bromley, Shupe, and [[Joseph Ventimiglia]].<ref>Bromley, David G., Shupe, Anson D., Ventimiglia, G.C.: "Atrocity Tales, the Unification Church, and the Social Construction of Evil", Journal of Communication, Summer 1979, pp. 42–53.</ref> Bromley and others define an atrocity as an event that is perceived as a flagrant violation of a fundamental value. It contains the following three elements: # moral outrage or indignation; # authorization of punitive measures; # mobilization of control efforts against the apparent perpetrators. The term "atrocity story" is controversial as it relates to the differing views amongst scholars about the credibility of the accounts of former members. [[Bryan R. Wilson]], Reader Emeritus of Sociology of the University of Oxford, says apostates of new religious movements are generally in need of self-justification, seeking to reconstruct their past and to excuse their former affiliations, while blaming those who were formerly their closest associates. Wilson, thus, challenges the reliability of the apostate's testimony by saying that the apostate {{cquote|must always be seen as one whose personal history predisposes him to bias with respect to both his previous religious commitment and affiliations }} and {{cquote|the suspicion must arise that he acts from a personal motivation to vindicate himself and to regain his self-esteem, by showing himself to have been first a victim but subsequently to have become a redeemed crusader. }} Wilson also asserts that some apostates or defectors from religious organisations rehearse atrocity stories to explain how, by manipulation, coercion or deceit, they were recruited to groups that they now condemn.<ref>Wilson, Bryan R. ''Apostates and New Religious Movements'' (1994) [http://www.neuereligion.de/ENG/Wilson/ (Available online)] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061212124854/http://www.neuereligion.de/ENG/Wilson/ |date=December 12, 2006 }}</ref> [[Jean Duhaime]] of the [[Université de Montréal]] writes, referring to Wilson, based on his analysis of three books by apostates of new religious movements, that stories of apostates cannot be dismissed only because they are subjective.<ref>Duhaime, Jean ([[Université de Montréal]]) ''Les Témoigagnes de Convertis et d'ex-Adeptes'' (English: ''The testimonies of converts and former followers'', article that appeared in the otherwise English language book ''New Religions in a Postmodern World'' edited by [[Mikael Rothstein]] and [[Reender Kranenborg]] RENNER Studies in New religions [[Aarhus University]] press, {{ISBN|87-7288-748-6}}</ref> [[Danny Jorgensen]], Professor at the Department of Religious Studies of the [[University of Florida]], in his book ''The Social Construction and Interpretation of Deviance: Jonestown and the Mass Media'' argues that the role of the [[mass media|media]] in constructing and reflecting reality is particularly apparent in its coverage of cults. He asserts that this complicity exists partly because apostates with an atrocity story to tell make themselves readily available to reporters and partly because new religious movements have learned to be suspicious of the media and, therefore, have not been open to investigative reporters writing stories on their movement from an insider's perspective. Besides this lack of information about the experiences of people within new religious movements, the media is attracted to [[sensationalism|sensational]] stories featuring accusations of food and sleep deprivation, sexual and physical abuse, and excesses of spiritual and emotional authority by the charismatic leader.<ref>Jorgensen, Danny. ''The Social Construction and Interpretation of Deviance: Jonestown and the Mass Media'' as cited in McCormick Maaga, Mary, ''Hearing the Voices of Jonestown'' 1st ed. (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1998) pp. 39, {{ISBN|0-8156-0515-3}}</ref> [[Michael Langone]] argues that some will accept uncritically the positive reports of current members without calling such reports, for example, "benevolence tales" or "personal growth tales". He asserts that only the critical reports of ex-members are called "tales", which he considers to be a term that clearly implies falsehood or fiction. He states that it wasn't until 1996 that a researcher conducted a study<ref name="Zab1996" /> to assess the extent to which so called "atrocity tales" might be based on fact.<ref name="Zab1996">Zablocki, Benjamin, ''Reliability and validity of apostate accounts in the study of religious communities''. Paper presented at the Association for the Sociology of Religion in New York City, Saturday, August 17, 1996.</ref><ref>Langone, Michael, ''The Two "Camps" of Cultic Studies: Time for a Dialogue'', ''Cults and Society'', Vol. 1, No. 1, 2001 {{cite web|url=http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_articles/langone_michael_full.htm |title=^ Langone, Michael Ph.D.: "Camps of Cultic Studies: Time for a Dialogue" |access-date=2007-11-20 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070927023611/http://www.culticstudiesreview.org/csr_articles/langone_michael_full.htm |archive-date=2007-09-27 }}</ref><ref>[[Benjamin Beith-Hallahmi|Beith-Hallahmi, Benjamin]] ''Dear Colleagues: Integrity and Suspicion in NRM Research'', 1997, [http://www.apologeticsindex.org/c59.htm]{{dead link|date=October 2016|bot=InternetArchiveBot|fix-attempted=yes}}</ref>
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