Editing Alexander Kerensky (section)

=== Russian Provisional Government of 1917 ===
{{Further|Russian Provisional Government}}[[File:Kerensky war minister.jpeg|thumb|Kerensky as Minister of War (sitting second from the right)]]

When the [[February Revolution]] broke out in 1917, Kerensky – together with [[Pavel Milyukov]] – was one of its most prominent leaders. As one of the [[Duma]]'s most well-known speakers against the monarchy and as a lawyer and defender of many revolutionaries, Kerensky became a member of the [[Provisional Committee of the State Duma]] and was elected vice-chairman of the newly formed [[Petrograd Soviet]]. These two bodies, the Duma and the Petrograd Soviet, or – rather – their respective executive committees, soon became each other's antagonists on most matters except regarding the end of the tsar's autocracy.

The Petrograd Soviet grew to include 3000 to 4000 members, and their meetings could drown in a blur of everlasting orations. At the meeting of {{OldStyleDate|12 March|1917|27 February}} to {{OldStyleDate|13 March|1917|28 February}} the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet, or [[Ispolkom]], formed a self-appointed committee, with (eventually) three members from each of the parties represented in the Soviet. Kerensky became one of the members representing the [[Socialist Revolutionary Party]] (the SRs).<ref>Richard Pipes (1995). "The Russian Revolution", pp. 104–06 ''Swedish'' {{ISBN|91-27-09935-0}}</ref>

On {{OldStyleDate|14 March|1917|1 March}}, without any consultation with the government, the Ispolkom of the Soviet issued the infamous [[Petrograd Soviet Order No. 1|Order No. 1]], intended only for the 160,000-strong Petrograd garrison, but soon interpreted as applicable to all soldiers at the front. The order stipulated that all military units should form committees like the Petrograd Soviet. This led to confusion and "stripping of officers' authority"; further, "Order No. 3" stipulated that the military was subordinate to Ispolkom in the political hierarchy. The ideas came from a group of socialists and aimed to limit the officers' power to military affairs. The socialist intellectuals believed the officers to be the most likely counterrevolutionary elements. Kerensky's role in these orders is unclear, but he participated in the decisions. But just as before the revolution he had defended many who disliked the tsar, he now saved the lives of many{{quantify|date=March 2019}} of the tsar's civil servants about to be lynched by mobs.<ref name="Pipes, p. 110">Pipes, p. 110</ref>
[[File:Kolchak-Kerensky-may1917.jpg|thumb|Kerensky sitting next to later Supreme Leader, [[Alexander Kolchak]]]]
Additionally, the Duma formed an executive committee which eventually became the [[Russian Provisional Government]]. As there was little trust between Ispolkom and this government (and as he was about to accept the office of Attorney General in the Provisional Government), Kerensky gave a most passionate speech, not just to the Ispolkom, but to the entire Petrograd Soviet. He then swore, as minister, never to violate democratic values, and ended his speech with the words "I cannot live without the people. In the moment you begin to doubt me, then kill me."<ref>{{Cite book|last=Loscher|first=John D.|title=The Bolsheviks Volume II: How the Soviets Seize Power, Volume 2|publisher=AuthorHouse|year=2009|isbn=978-1449023317|page=362}}</ref> The huge majority (workers and soldiers) gave him great applause, and Kerensky now became the first and ''the only one''<ref>{{cite news|date=2017-11-06|title=What was Russia's last leader before the Bolshevik revolution like?|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/long_reads/alexander-kerensky-russia-bolshevik-revolution-interview-1917-centenary-a8036256.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171112225750/http://www.independent.co.uk/news/long_reads/alexander-kerensky-russia-bolshevik-revolution-interview-1917-centenary-a8036256.html |archive-date=2017-11-12 |url-access=limited |url-status=live|access-date=2020-10-16|website=The Independent|language=en}}</ref> who participated in both the Provisional Government and the Ispolkom. As a link between Ispolkom and the Provisional Government, Kerensky stood to benefit from this position.<ref name="Pipes, p. 110"/><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1970/06/12/archives/alexander-kerensky-dies-here-at-89-alexander-kerensky-who-led-first.html|title=Alexander Kerensky Dies Here at 89|last=Whitman|first=Alden|date=12 June 1970|website=The New York Times}}</ref>

After the first government crisis over [[Pavel Milyukov]]'s secret note re-committing Russia to its original war-aims on 2–4 May, Kerensky became the [[Minister of War]] and the dominant figure in the newly formed socialist-liberal coalition government. On 10 May ([[Julian calendar]]), Kerensky started for the front and visited one division after another, urging the men to do their duty. His speeches were impressive and convincing for the moment, but had little lasting effect.<ref>{{cite web|title=Alexander Kerensky|url=https://www.bl.uk/people/alexander-kerensky|access-date=2020-10-16|website=The British Library|archive-date=28 February 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200228151902/https://www.bl.uk/people/alexander-kerensky|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Woods|first=Alan|title=The Russian Revolution: the meaning of October|url=https://www.socialist.net/the-russian-revolution-the-meaning-of-october-2.htm|access-date=2020-10-16|website=Socialist Appeal|date=7 November 2016|language=en-gb|archive-date=27 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201027004107/https://www.socialist.net/the-russian-revolution-the-meaning-of-october-2.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref> Under [[Allies of World War I|Allied]] pressure to continue the war, he launched what became known as the [[Kerensky Offensive]] against the Austro-Hungarian/German South Army on {{OldStyleDate|1 July|1917|18 June}}.<ref>Preclík, Vratislav. Masaryk a legie (Masaryk and legions), váz. kniha, 219 pages, first issue vydalo nakladatelství Paris Karviná, Žižkova 2379 (734 01 Karvina, Czech Republic) ve spolupráci s Masarykovým demokratickým hnutím (Masaryk Democratic Movement, Prague), 2019, {{ISBN|978-8087173473}}, pp. 36–39, 41–42, 111–12, 124–25, 128, 129, 132, 140–48, 184–99.</ref> At first successful, the offensive soon met strong resistance and the [[Central Powers]] riposted with a strong counter-attack. The Russian army retreated and suffered heavy losses, and it became clear from many incidents of desertion, sabotage, and mutiny that the army was no longer willing to attack.

[[File:KéresnkiEnUnDiscursoALosSoldadosDelFrenteMayo1917.png|thumb|left|Kerensky in May 1917]]

The military heavily criticised Kerensky for his liberal policies, which included stripping officers of their mandates and handing over control to revolutionary-inclined "soldier committees" ({{langx |ru|солдатские комитеты | translit = soldatskie komitety}}) instead; abolition of the death penalty; and allowing revolutionary agitators to be present at the front. Many officers scornfully referred to commander-in-chief Kerensky as the "persuader-in-chief".

On 2 July 1917 the Provisional Government's first coalition collapsed over the question of [[Ukraine]]'s autonomy. Following the [[July Days]] unrest in Petrograd (3–7 July [16–20 July, N.S.] 1917) and the official suppression of the Bolsheviks, Kerensky succeeded Prince [[Georgy Lvov]] as Russia's prime minister on {{OldStyleDate| 21 July|1917| 8 July}}. Following the [[Kornilov Affair]], an attempted military [[coup d'état]] at the end of August, and the resignation of the other ministers, he appointed himself Supreme [[Commander-in-Chief]], as well.

On 15 September Kerensky proclaimed Russia a republic, which was contrary to the non-socialists' understanding that the Provisional Government should hold power only until a [[Russian Constituent Assembly|Constituent Assembly]] should meet to decide Russia's form of government, but which was in line with the long-proclaimed aim of the Socialist Revolutionary Party.<ref>Party manifesto listed in McCauley, M ''Octobrists to Bolsheviks: Imperial Russia 1905–1917'' (1984)</ref> He formed a five-member Directory, which consisted of himself, Minister of Foreign Affairs [[Mikhail Tereshchenko]], Minister of War General [[Aleksandr Verkhovsky]], Minister of the Navy Admiral [[Dmitry Verderevsky]] and Minister of Posts and Telegraphs {{Interlanguage link|Aleksei Nikitin (politician)|ru|Никитин, Алексей Максимович|lt=Aleksei Nikitin}}. He retained his post in the final coalition government in October 1917 until the Bolsheviks overthrew it on {{OldStyleDate|7 November|1917|26 October}}.

[[File:Kerensky.jpg|thumb|upright|Kerensky in office]]
Kerensky faced a major challenge: three years of participation in World War had exhausted Russia, while the provisional government offered little motivation for a victory outside of continuing Russia's obligations towards its allies. Russia's continued involvement in the war was not popular among the lower and middle classes, and especially not popular among the soldiers. They had all believed that Russia would stop fighting when the Provisional Government took power,{{citation needed|date=March 2019}} and subsequently felt deceived. Furthermore, [[Vladimir Lenin]] and his [[Bolshevik]] party were promising "peace, land, and bread" under a communist system. The [[Russian Army (1917)|Russian army]], war-weary, ill-equipped, dispirited and ill-disciplined, was disintegrating, with soldiers deserting in large numbers. By autumn 1917, an estimated two million men had unofficially left the army.

Kerensky and other political leaders continued Russia's involvement in World War I, thinking that a glorious victory was the only way forward,<ref>Pipes p. 121</ref> and fearing that the economy, already under huge stress from the war effort, might become increasingly unstable if vital supplies from [[French Third Republic|France]] and from the [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|United Kingdom]] ceased flowing.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Failure of Provisional Government under Kerensky - February Revolution - Causes, events and effects - National 5 History Revision |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/z43tcqt/revision/7 |access-date=2024-09-08 |website=BBC Bitesize |language=en-GB}}</ref> The dilemma of whether to withdraw was a great one, and Kerensky's inconsistent and impractical policies further destabilised the army and the country at large.

Furthermore, Kerensky adopted a policy that isolated the right-wing conservatives, both democratic and monarchist-oriented. His philosophy of "no enemies to the left" greatly empowered the Bolsheviks and gave them a free hand, allowing them to take over the military arm or "voyenka" ({{langx |ru|Военка}}) of the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Russian Moderates and the Crisis of Tsarism 1914–1917|last=Pearson|first=Raymond|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|year=1977|isbn=978-1-349-03385-0|pages=126–27}}</ref> His arrest of [[Lavr Kornilov]] and other officers left him without strong allies against the Bolsheviks, who ended up being Kerensky's strongest and most determined adversaries, as opposed to the right wing, which evolved into the [[White movement]].
[[File:Alexandre Kerensky (cropped).jpg|thumb|[[Autochrome Lumière|Autochrome]] portrait by [[Georges Chevalier]], 1921]]