Editing Social capital (section)

== Effects on educational achievement ==

=== Catholic schools (Coleman and Hoffer) ===
Coleman and Hoffer collected [[Quantitative research|quantitative data]] of 28,000 students in total 1,015 public, Catholic and other private high schools in America from the 7 years' period from 1980 to 1987.<ref name=":11">Coleman and Hoffer (1987) "High School and Beyond"</ref> It was found from this [[Longitudinal study|longitudinal research]] that social capital in students' families and communities attributed to the much lower dropout rates in [[Catholic school]]s compared with the higher rates in public.

Teachman et al. (1996) further develop the family structure indicator suggested by Coleman. They criticise Coleman, who used only the number of parents present in the family, neglected the unseen effect of more discrete dimensions such as stepparents' and different types of single-parent families. They take into account of a detailed counting of family structure, not only with two biological parents or stepparent families, but also with types of single-parent families with each other (mother-only, father-only, never-married, and other). They also contribute to the literature by measuring parent-child interaction by the indicators of how often parents and children discuss school-related activities.<ref>Teachman et al. (1996)</ref>

Morgan and Sorensen (1999) directly challenge Coleman for his lacking of an explicit mechanism to explain why Catholic schools students perform better than public school students on standardised tests of achievement.<ref>Chen (2002)</ref> Researching students in Catholic schools and public schools again, they propose two comparable models of social capital effect on mathematic learning.  One is on Catholic schools as norm-enforcing schools whereas another is on public schools as horizon-expanding schools. It is found that while social capital can bring about positive effect of maintaining an encompassing functional community in norm-enforcing schools, it also brings about the negative consequence of excessive monitoring. Creativity and exceptional achievement would be repressed as a result. Whereas in horizon expanding school, social closure is found to be negative for student's mathematic achievement. These schools explore a different type of social capital, such as information about opportunities in the extended social networks of parents and other adults.  The consequence is that more learning is fostered than norm-enforcing Catholic school students. In sum, Morgan and Sorensen study implies that social capital is contextualised, one kind of social capital may be positive in this setting but is not necessarily still positive in another setting.<ref name="Morgan 1999">Morgan and Sorensen (1999)</ref>

=== Community development ===
In the setting of education through Kilpatrick, Johns, and Mulford (2010) state that "social capital is a useful lens for analysing [[lifelong learning]] and its relationship to community development."<ref>Kilpatrick, S., S. Johns, and B. Mulford. 2010. "Social capital, educational institutions and leadership." In ''The International Encyclopedia of Education'' (3rd ed.), edited by E. Baker, B. McGraw & P. Peterson. [[Elsevier Science]].</ref> Social capital is particularly important in terms of education. Also the importance of education with "schools being designed to create 'functioning community' - forging tighter links between parents and the school" linking that without this interaction, the social capital in this area is disadvantaged and demonstrates that social capital plays a major role in education.<ref name=":11" />

=== Parental involvement ===
Putnam (2000) mentions in his book ''[[Bowling Alone]]'', "[[Child development]] is powerfully shaped by social capital" and continues "presence of social capital has been linked to various positive outcomes, particularly in education."<ref name="Putnam 2000" />{{Rp|296}} According to his book, these positive outcomes are the result of parents' social capital in a community. In states where there is a high social capital, there is also a high education performance.<ref name="Putnam 2000" />{{Rp|300}} The similarity of these states is that parents were more associated with their children's education. Teachers have reported that when the parents participate more in their children's education and school life, it lowers levels of misbehavior, such as bringing weapons to school, engaging in physical violence, unauthorized absence, and being generally apathetic about education.<ref name="Putnam 2000" />{{Rp|301}} Borrowing Coleman's quotation from Putnam's book, Coleman once mentioned we cannot understate "the importance of the embeddedness of young persons in the enclaves of adults most proximate to them, first and most prominent the family and second, a surrounding community of adults."<ref name="Putnam 2000" />{{Rp|303}}

Without social capital in the area of education, teachers and parents who play a responsibility in a students learning, the significant impacts on their child's academic learning can rely on these factors. With focus on parents contributing to their child's academic progress as well as being influenced by social capital in education. Without the contribution by the parent in their child's education, gives parents less opportunity and participation in the student's life. As Tedin and Weiher (2010)<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Tedin | first1 = Kent L. | last2 = Weiher | first2 = Gregory R. | year = 2011 | title = General Social Capital, Education-Related Social Capital, and Choosing Charter Schools | journal = The Policy Studies Journal | volume = 39 | issue = 4| pages = 609–629 | doi=10.1111/j.1541-0072.2011.00424.x}}</ref> state, "one of the most important factors in promoting student success is the active involvement of parents in a child's education." With parents also involved in activities and meetings the school conducts, the more involved parents are with other parents and the staff members. Thus parent involvement contributes to social capital with becoming more involved in the school community and participating makes the school a sustainable and easy to run community.

Sampson et al. (1999) stress the [[normative]] or goal-directed dimension of social capital,<ref>{{cite journal |author=Robert J. Sampson |author2=Jeffrey D. Morenoff |author3=Felton Earls |title=Beyond social capital: Spatial dynamics of collective efficacy for children |journal=American Sociological Review |volume=64 |issue=5 |date=October 1999 |pages=633–660 |doi=10.2307/2657367 |jstor=2657367}}</ref> claiming that "resources or networks alone (e.g. voluntary associations, friendship ties, organisational density) are neutral---they may or may not be effective mechanism for achieving intended effect."<ref>Sampson et al., 1999, p. 635, quoted by Chen, 2002</ref>

=== Difference in male and female ===
Marjoribanks and Kwok (1998) conducted a survey in [[Hong Kong]] secondary schools with 387 fourteen-year-old students with an aim to analyse female and male adolescents differential educational achievement by using social capital as the main analytic tool. In that research, social capital is approved of its different effects upon different genders.<ref>Marjoribanks and Kwok (1998)</ref>

=== Adaption and ethnic values ===
In his thesis "New Arrival Students in Hong Kong: Adaptation and School Performance", Hei Hang Hayes Tang (2002) argues that adaptation is a process of activation and accumulation of (cultural and social) capitals. The research findings show that supportive networks is the key determinant differentiating the divergent adaptation pathways. Supportive networks, as a form of social capital, is necessary for activating the cultural capital the newly arrived students possessed. The amount of accumulated capital is also relevant to further advancement in the ongoing adaptation process.<ref>Hei Hang Hayes Tang (2002) "New Arrival Students in Hong Kong: Adaptation and School Performance"</ref>

[[Min Zhou]] and [[Carl L. Bankston]] (1998), in their study of a [[Vietnamese people|Vietnamese]] community in [[New Orleans]], found that preserving traditional ethnic values enable [[immigrant]]s to integrate socially and to maintain [[social solidarity|solidarity]] in an ethnic community.<ref>[[Min Zhou|Zhou, Min]], and [[Carl L. Bankston]]. 1998. ''[[Growing Up American|Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States]]''. New York: [[Russell Sage Foundation]].</ref> Ethnic solidarity is especially important in the context where immigrants just arrive in the host society.  In her article "Social Capital in Chinatown", Zhou examines how the process of adaptation of young [[Chinese American]]s is affected by tangible forms of social relations between the community, immigrant families, and the younger generations.<ref>Zhou (2000)</ref> Chinatown serves as the basis of social capital that facilitates the accommodation of immigrant children in the expected directions. Ethnic support provides impetus to academic success.  Furthermore, maintenance of literacy in native language also provides a form of social capital that contributes positively to academic achievement. Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch<ref>Stanton-Salazar (1995) (quoted by Wong, 2002)</ref> found that bilingual students were more likely to obtain the necessary forms of institutional support to advance their school performance and their life chances.