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==Historical memory== [[File:Monumento a la Revolución 1.jpg|thumb|The [[Monumento a la Revolución|Monument to the Revolution]] in Mexico City. It was to be the new legislative palace of the Díaz regime, but construction was interrupted by the revolution]] The centennial of the Mexican Revolution was another occasion to construct of historical of the events and leaders. In 2010, the [[Celebration of Mexican political anniversaries in 2010|Centennial of the Revolution and the Bicentennial of Independence]] was an occasion to take account of Mexico's history. The centennial of independence in 1910 had been the [[swan song]] of the [[Porfiriato]]. With President [[Felipe Calderón]] (2006–2012) of the conservative [[National Action Party (Mexico)|National Action Party]], there was considerable emphasis on the bicentennial of independence rather than on the Mexican Revolution. ===Heroes and villains=== [[File:Plaza de la Revolucion Chihuahua.jpg|thumb|upright|Equestrian bronze of Villa in Chihuahua, Chihuahua]] The popular heroes of the Mexican Revolution are the two radicals who lost: Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa. As early as 1921, the Mexican government began appropriating the memory and legacy of Zapata for its own purposes.<ref>Brunk, Samuel, ''The Posthumous Career of Emiliano Zapata: Myth, Memory, and Mexico's Twentieth Century''</ref> Pancho Villa fought against those who won the Revolution and he was excluded from the revolutionary pantheon for a considerable time, but his memory and legend remained alive among the Mexican people. The government recognized his continued potency and had his remains reburied in the Monument of the Revolution after considerable controversy.{{sfn|Katz|1998}} With the exception of Zapata who rebelled against him in 1911, Francisco Madero was revered as "the apostle of democracy". Madero's murder in the 1913 counterrevolutionary coup elevated him as a "martyr" of the Revolution, whose memory unified the Constitutionalist coalition against Huerta. Venustiano Carranza gained considerable legitimacy as a civilian leader of the Constitutionalists, having supported Madero in life and led the successful coalition that ousted Huerta. Then Carranza downplayed Madero's role in the revolution in order to substitute himself as the origin of the true revolution. Carranza owned "the bullets taken from the body of Francisco I. Madero after his murder. Carranza had kept them in his home, perhaps because they were a symbol of a fate and a passive denouement he had always hoped to avoid."<ref name=":7">Enrique Krauze, ''Mexico: Biography of Power''. New York: [[HarperCollins]], 1997, p. 373.</ref> Huerta remains the enduring villain of the Mexican Revolution for his coup against Madero. Díaz is still popularly and officially reviled, although there was an attempt to rehabilitate his reputation in the 1990s by President [[Carlos Salinas de Gortari]], who was implementing the North American Free Trade Agreement and amending the constitution to eliminate further land reform. Pascual Orozco, who with Villa captured Ciudad Juárez in May 1911, continues to have an ambiguous status, since he led a major rebellion against Madero in 1912 and then threw his lot in with Huerta. Orozco much more than Madero was considered a manly man of action. ===Monuments=== The most permanent manifestations of historical are in the built landscape, especially the [[Monumento a la Revolución|Monument to the Revolution]] in Mexico City and statues and monuments to particular leaders. The Monument to the Revolution was created from the partially built ''Palacio Legislativo'', a major project of Díaz's government. The construction was abandoned with the outbreak of the Revolution in 1910. In 1933, during the [[Maximato]] of [[Plutarco Elías Calles]], the shell was re-purposed to commemorate the Revolution. Buried in the four pillars are the remains of Francisco I. Madero, Venustiano Carranza, Plutarco Elías Calles, Lázaro Cárdenas, and Francisco [Pancho] Villa.<ref>''The Green Guide: Mexico, Guatemala and Belize''. London: Michelin, 2011, p. 149.</ref> In life, Villa fought Carranza and Calles, but his remains were transferred to the monument in 1979 during the administration of President [[José López Portillo]].<ref>Rubén Osorio Zúñiga, "Francisco (Pancho) Villa" in ''[[Encyclopedia of Mexico]]'', vol. 2. p. 1532. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1997.</ref> Prior to the construction of that monument, one was built in 1935 to the amputated arm of General Álvaro Obregón, lost in victorious battle against Villa in the 1915 Battle of Celaya. The monument is on the site of the restaurant La Bombilla, where he was assassinated in 1928. The arm was cremated in 1989, but the monument remains.<ref>Buchenau, Jürgen, "The Arm and Body of the Revolution: Remembering Mexico's Last Caudillo, Álvaro Obregón" in Lyman L. Johnson, ed. ''Body Politics: Death, Dismemberment, and Memory in Latin America''. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004, pp. 179–207.</ref><ref>Fabrizio Mejía Madrid, "Insurgentes" in ''The Mexico City Reader'', ed. Rubén Gallo. Madison: [[University of Wisconsin Press]], 2004, p. 63.</ref> ===Naming=== [[File:Metro Zapata.JPG|thumb|[[Metro Zapata]] in Mexico City, the icon shows a stylized, eyeless Zapata]] Names are a standard way governments commemorate people and events. Many towns and cities of Mexico recall the revolution. In Mexico City, there are ''delegaciones'' (boroughs) named for Álvaro Obregón, Venustiano Carranza, and [[Gustavo A. Madero]], brother of murdered president. There is a portion of the old colonial street Calle de los Plateros leading to the main square [[zócalo]] of the capital named Francisco I. Madero. The [[Mexico City Metro]] has stations commemorating aspects of the Revolution and the revolutionary era. When it opened in 1969, with line 1 (the "Pink Line"), two stations alluded to the revolution. Most directly referencing the Revolution was [[Metro Pino Suárez]], named after [[Francisco I. Madero]]'s vice president, who was murdered with him in February 1913. There is no Metro stop named for Madero. The other was [[Metro Balderas]], whose icon is a cannon, alluding to the Ciudadela armory where the coup against Madero was launched. In 1970, [[Metro Revolución]] opened, with the station at the [[Monumento a la Revolución|Monument to the Revolution]]. As the Metro expanded, further stations with names from the revolutionary era opened. In 1980, two popular heroes of the Revolution were honored, with [[Metro Zapata]] explicitly commemorating the peasant revolutionary from Morelos. A sideways commemoration was [[Metro División del Norte]], named after the Army that [[Pancho Villa]] commanded until its demise in the [[Battle of Celaya]] in 1915. The year 1997 saw the opening of the [[Metro Lázaro Cárdenas]] station. In 1988, [[Metro Aquiles Serdán]] honors the first martyr of the Revolution [[Aquiles Serdán]]. In 1994, [[Metro Constitución de 1917]] opened, as did [[Metro Garibaldi]], named after the grandson of Italian fighter for independence, [[Giuseppi Garibaldi]]. The grandson had been a participant in the Mexican Revolution. In 1999, the radical anarchist [[Ricardo Flores Magón]] was honored with the [[Metro Ricardo Flores Magón]] station. Also opening in 1999 was [[Metro Romero Rubio]], named after the leader of [[Porfirio Díaz]]'s [[Científico]]s, whose daughter Carmen Romero Rubio became Díaz's second wife.<ref>Perhaps enough time had passed since the Revolution and Romero Rubio was just a name with no historical significance to ordinary Mexicans. In 2000, the [[Institutional Revolutionary Party]] lost the presidential election to the candidate of the [[National Action Party (Mexico)|National Action Party]].</ref> In 2012, a new Metro line opened with a [[Metro Hospital 20 de Noviembre]] stop, a hospital named after the date that Madero set in 1910 for rebellion against Díaz. There are no Metro stops named for revolutionary generals and presidents of Mexico, Carranza, Obregón, or Calles, and only an oblique reference to Villa in [[Metro División del Norte]]. ===Role of women=== [[File:Museo Nacional de la Revolución - Adelita.jpg|thumb|upright|[[La Adelita|Adelita]] in the [[Historical Museum of the Mexican Revolution]]]] The role of women in the Mexican Revolution has not been an important aspect of official historical memory, although the situation is changing. Carranza pushed for the rights of women, and gained women's support. During his presidency he relied on his personal secretary and close aide, [[Hermila Galindo|Hermila Galindo de Topete]], to rally and secure support for him. Through her efforts he was able to gain the support of women, workers and peasants. Carranza rewarded her efforts by lobbying for women's equality. He helped change and reform the legal status of women in Mexico.<ref>Mirande, Alfredo; Enriquez, Evangelina. ''La Chicana: The Mexican-American Woman''. United States: [[University of Chicago Press]], 1981, pp. 217–219. {{ISBN|978-0-226-53160-1}}.</ref> In the [[Historical Museum of the Mexican Revolution]], there is a recreation of [[La Adelita|Adelita]], the idealized female revolutionary combatant or ''[[soldadera]]''. The typical image of a ''soldadera'' is of a woman with braids, wearing female attire, with ammunition belts across her chest. There were a few revolutionary women, known as ''coronelas'', who commanded troops, some of whom dressed and identified as male; they do not fit the stereotypical image of ''soldadera'' and are not celebrated in historical memory at present.<ref>Cano, Gabriela. "''Soldaderas'' and ''Coronelas''" in ''[[Encyclopedia of Mexico]]'', vol. 1, pp. 1357–1360. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997.</ref>
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