Editing Talcott Parsons (section)

===Ethnicity, kinship, and diffuse solidarity===
Parsons had for years corresponded with his former graduate student [[David M. Schneider]], who had taught at the [[University of California Berkeley]] until the latter, in 1960, accepted a position as professor in anthropology at the [[University of Chicago]]. Schneider had received his PhD at Harvard in social anthropology in 1949 and had become a leading expert on the American kinship system. Schneider, in 1968, published ''American Kinship: A Cultural Account''<ref>David M. Schneider, ''American Kinship: A Cultural Account'' Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1968.</ref> which became a classic in the field, and he had sent Parsons a copy of the copyedited manuscript before its publication. Parsons was highly appreciative of Schneider's work, which became in many ways a crucial turning point in his own attempt to understand the fundamental elements of the American kinship system, a key to understanding the factor of [[ethnicity]] and especially building the theoretical foundation of his concept of the societal community, which, by the beginning of the early 1970s, had become a strong priority in the number of theoretical projects of his own intellectual life.

Parsons borrowed the term "diffuse enduring solidarity" from Schneider, as a major concept for his own considerations on the theoretical construction of the concept of the societal community. In the spring of 1968, Parsons and Schneider had discussed [[Clifford Geertz]]'s article on religion as a cultural system<ref>Clifford Geertz, "Religion as a Cultural System" in Clifford Geertz, ''The Interpretation of Cultures''. New York: Basic Books, 1973. pp. 87–125. Originally published in 1966.</ref> on which Parsons wrote a review.<ref>Talcott Parsons, "Comment on 'Religion as a Cultural System' by Clifford Geertz". in Donald R. Cutler (ed.), ''The Religious Situation, 1968''. Boston: Beason,1968.</ref> Parsons, who was a close friend of Geertz, was puzzled over Geertz's article. In a letter to Schneider, Parsons spoke about "the rather sharp strictures on what he [Geertz] calls the extremely narrow intellectual tradition with special reference to Weber, but also to Durkheim. My basic point is in this respect, he greatly overstated his case seeming to argue that this intellectual tradition was by now irrelevant."<ref>Letter from Talcott Parsons to David Schneider, April 25, 1968. Talcott Parsons collection. Harvard University Archives.</ref>

Schneider wrote back to Parsons, "So much, so often, as I read Cliff's stuff I cannot get a clear consistent picture of just what the religious system consist in instead only how it is said to work."<ref>Letter from David M. Schneider to Talcott Parsons, April 28, 1968. Talcott Parsons collection. Harvard University Archives.</ref>

In a letter of July 1968 to Gene Tanke of the [[University of California Press]], Parsons offered a critical note on the state of psychoanalytical theory and wrote: "The use of psychoanalytical theory in interpretation of social and historical subject matter is somewhat hazardous enterprise, and a good deal of nonsense has been written in the name of such attempts."<ref>Letter from Talcott Parsons to Gene Tanke, the University of California Press, July 25, 1968. Talcott Parsons Collection. Harvard University Archives.</ref> Around 1969, Parsons was approached by the prestigious ''Encyclopedia of the History of Idea'' about writing an entry in the encyclopedia on the topic of the "Sociology of Knowledge". Parsons accepted and wrote one of his most powerful essays, "The Sociology of Knowledge and the History of Ideas",<ref>Talcott Parsons, "The Sociology of Knowledge and the History of Ideas". In [[Helmut Staubmann]] (ed.)''Action Theory: Methodological Studies.'' LIT Verlag, Wien, 2006.</ref> in 1969 or 1970. Parsons discussed how the [[sociology of knowledge]], as a modern intellectual discipline, had emerged from the dynamics of [[European intellectual history]] and had reached a kind of cutting point in the philosophy of Kant and further explored by [[Hegel]] but reached its first "classical" formulation in the writing of Mannheim,<ref>Karl Mannheim, ''Ideology and Utopia''. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1936 [1929].</ref> whose brilliance Parsons acknowledged but disagreed with his [[German historicism]] for its antipositivistic epistemology; that was largely rejected in the more positivistic world of American social science. For various reasons, the editors of the encyclopedia turned down Parsons' essay, which did not fit the general format of their volume. The essay was not published until 2006.<ref>Victor Lidz, "Talcott Parsons' "Sociology of Knowledge: Introductory Comments". In Helmut Staubmann (ed.) ''Action Theory: Methodological Studies''. LIT verlag, Wien 2006.</ref>

Parsons had several conversations with [[Daniel Bell]] on a "[[post-industrial society]]", some of which were conducted over lunch at William James Hall. After reading an early version of Bell's ''magnum opus'', ''The Coming of the Post-Industrial Society'', Parsons wrote a letter to Bell, dated November 30, 1971, to offer his criticism. Among his many critical points, Parsons stressed especially that Bell's discussion of technology tended to "separate off culture" and treat the two categories "as what I would call culture minus the cognitive component".

Parsons' interest in the role of ethnicity and religion in the genesis of social solidarity within the local community heavily influenced another of his early 1960s graduate students, [[Edward Laumann]]. As a student, Laumann was interested in the role of social network structure in shaping community-level solidarity. Combining Parsons' interest in the role of ethnicity in shaping local community solidarity with [[W. Lloyd Warner]]'s structural approach to social class, Laumann argued that ethnicity, religion, and perceived social class all play a large role in structuring community social networks.<ref>Edward O. Laumann. (1965). "Subjective Social Distance and Urban Occupational Stratification". ''American Journal of Sociology'' 71:26–36.</ref><ref>Edward O Laumann. (1973). ''Bonds of Pluralism: The Form and Substance of Urban Social Networks''. New York: Wiley Interscience.</ref><ref>Edward O. Laumann, Richard Senter. (1976). "Subjective Social Distance, Occupational Stratification, and Forms of Status and Class Consciousness: A Cross-national Replication and Extension". ''American Journal of Sociology'' 81:1304–1338.</ref> Laumann's work found that community networks are highly partitioned along lines of ethnicity, religion, and occupational social status. It also highlighted the tension individuals experience between their preference to associate with people who are like them ([[homophily]]) and their simultaneous desire to affiliate with higher-status others. Later, at the beginning of his career at the [[University of Chicago]], Laumann would argue that how the impulses are resolved by individuals forms the basis of corporate or competitive [[class consciousness]] within a given community.<ref name="Laumann, Edward O. 2006">Laumann, Edward O. (2006). "A 45-Year Retrospective on Doing Networks". ''Connections'' 27:65–90.</ref> In addition to demonstrating how community solidarity can be conceptualized as a [[social network]] and the role of ethnicity, religion, and class in shaping such networks, Laumann's dissertation became one of the first examples of the use of population-based surveys in the collection of [[social network analysis|social network]] data, and thus a precursor to decades of egocentric social network analysis.<ref>Freeman, Linton C. ''The Development of Social Network Analysis''. Vancouver: Empirical Press, 2004.</ref> Parsons thus played an important role in shaping the early interest of social network analysis in homophily and the use of egocentric network data to assess group- and community-level social network structures.