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=== Underrepresentation by gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation=== Observations of historical trends and current governmental demographics have raised concerns about the equity of [[Representation (politics)|political representation]] in the United States. In particular, scholars have noted that levels of [[descriptive representation]]—which refers to when political representatives share demographic backgrounds or characteristics with their constituents—do not match the racial and gender makeup of the US.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last1=Ellis|first1=William Curtis |last2=Wilson|first2=Walter Clark|date=2013|title=Minority Chairs and Congressional Attention to Minority Issues: The Effect of Descriptive Representation in Positions of Institutional Power |journal=Social Science Quarterly|volume=94|issue=5|pages=1207–1221|doi=10.1111/ssqu.12023 |jstor=42864138|issn=0038-4941}}</ref> Descriptive representation is noted to be beneficial because of its symbolic representative benefits as a source of emotional identification with one's representatives.<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last1=English|first1=Ashley|last2=Pearson|first2=Kathryn|last3=Strolovitch |first3=Dara Z.|date=2019|title=Who Represents Me? Race, Gender, Partisan Congruence, and Representational Alternatives in a Polarized America|journal=Political Research Quarterly|volume=72 |issue=4|pages=785–804 |doi=10.1177/1065912918806048|jstor=45223003|s2cid=158576286|issn=1065-9129}}</ref> Furthermore, descriptive representation can lead to more substantive and functional representation, as well as greater institutional power, which can result in minority constituents having both representatives with matching policy views and power in the political system.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":4">{{Cite journal|last=Jeong|first=Hoi Ok|date=2013 |title=Minority Policies and Political Participation Among Latinos: Exploring Latinos' Response to Substantive Representation|journal=Social Science Quarterly|volume=94|issue=5|pages=1245–1260|doi=10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00883.x|jstor=42864140 |issn=0038-4941}}</ref> Serving as a [[United States congressional committee|congressional committee]] chair is considered to be a good example of this relationship, as chairs control which issues are addressed by committees, especially through hearings that bring substantial attention to certain issues.<ref name=":0" /> Though minorities like [[African Americans]] and [[Hispanic and Latino Americans|Latinos]] have rarely served as committee chairs, studies have shown that their presence has directly led to significantly higher likelihoods of minority issues being addressed.<ref name=":0" /> Given that racial and ethnic minorities of all backgrounds have historically been marginalized from participating in the US political system, their political representation and access to policymaking has been limited.<ref name=":0" /> Similarly, women lack proportional representation in the United States, bringing into question the extent to which women's issues are adequately addressed.<ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|last1=Dolan|first1=Kathleen|last2=Hansen|first2=Michael |date=2018|title=Blaming Women or Blaming the System? Public Perceptions of Women's Underrepresentation in Elected Office|journal=Political Research Quarterly|volume=71|issue=3|pages=668–680|doi=10.1177/1065912918755972 |jstor=45106690|s2cid=149220469|issn=1065-9129}}</ref> Other minority groups, such as the [[LGBT community|LGBTQ community]], have also been disadvantaged by an absence of equitable representation—especially since scholars have noted their gradual shift from originally being perceived as more of a moral political issue to being considered an actual constituency.<ref name=":9">{{Cite book|title=LGBTQ Politics: A Critical Reader|date=2017 |volume=3 |publisher=NYU Press|doi=10.2307/j.ctt1pwt8jh|jstor=j.ctt1pwt8jh|isbn=978-1-4798-9387-4}}</ref> Political representation is also an essential part of making sure that citizens have faith that representatives, political institutions, and democracy take their interests into account.<ref name=":1" /> For women and minorities, this issue can occur even in the levels of government that are meant to be closest to constituents, such as among [[Member of Congress|members of Congress]] in the House of Representatives. Scholars have noted that in positions such as these, even close proximity to constituents does not necessarily translate to an understanding of their needs or experiences and that constituents can still feel unrepresented.<ref name=":1" /> In a democracy, a lack of faith in one's representatives can cause them to search for less-democratic alternative forms of representation, like unelected individuals or interest groups.<ref name=":1" /> For racial and ethnic minorities, the risk of seeking alternative representation is especially acute, as lived experiences often lead to different political perspectives that can be difficult for white representatives to fully understand or adequately address.<ref name=":0" /> Moreover, studies have begun to increasingly show that people of all races and genders tend to prefer having members of Congress who share their race or gender, which can also lead to more engagement between constituents and their representatives, as well as higher likelihoods of contacting or having faith in their congressperson.<ref name=":1" /> In addition to making it more likely that constituents will trust their representatives, having descriptive representation can help sustain an individual's positive perceptions of government. When considering women in particular, it has been suggested that broader economic and social equality could result from first working toward ensuring more equitable political representation for women, which would also help promote increased faith between women and their representatives.<ref name=":6">{{Cite journal |last=Sanbonmatsu|first=Kira|date=2020 |title=Women's Underrepresentation in the U.S. Congress|journal=Daedalus|volume=149|issue=1|pages=40–55 |doi=10.1162/daed_a_01772|jstor=48563031|s2cid=209487865|issn=0011-5266|doi-access=free}}</ref> ==== Race and ethnicity ==== [[File:Racial and Ethnic Demographics of the 117th US Congress, House of Representatives.svg|thumb|There are 57 African American members of the US House (blue), 47 Hispanics and Latinos (red), 5 Native Americans (yellow), 18 Asian Americans (green), and 314 Whites (gray).[[117th United States Congress|117th Congress]] (2021-2023) ]] [[File:Racial and Ethnic Demographics of the 117th US Congress, Senate.svg|thumb|There are 3 African American members of the US Senate (blue), 7 Hispanics or Latinos (red), 0 Native Americans, 2 Asian Americans (green), and 88 European Americans(gray). [[117th United States Congress|117th Congress]] (2021-2023)]] ===== African Americans ===== {{See also|African Americans in the United States Congress}}Although African Americans have begun to continually win more elected positions and increase their overall political representation, they still lack proportional representation across a variety of different levels of government.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=Shah|first=Paru|date=2014|title=It Takes a Black Candidate: A Supply-Side Theory of Minority Representation |journal=Political Research Quarterly|volume=67|issue=2|pages=266–279|doi=10.1177/1065912913498827|jstor=24371782|s2cid=155069482|issn=1065-9129}}</ref> Some estimates indicate that most gains for African Americans—and other minorities in general—have not occurred at higher levels of government, but rather at sub-levels in federal and state governments.<ref name=":2" /> Additionally, congressional data from 2017 revealed that 35.7% of African Americans nationwide had a congressperson of the same race, while the majority of black Americans were represented by members of Congress of a different race.<ref name=":1" /> Scholars have partially explained this discrepancy by focusing on the obstacles that black candidates face. Factors like election type, campaign costs, district demographics, and historical barriers, such as [[Voter suppression in the United States|voter suppression]], can all hinder the likelihood of a black candidate winning an election or even choosing to enter into an election process.<ref name=":2" /> Demographics, in particular, are noted to have a large influence on black candidate success, as research has shown that the ratio of white-to-black voters can have a significant impact on a black candidate's chance of winning an election and that large black populations tend to increase the resources available to African American candidates.<ref name=":2" /> Despite the variety of obstacles that have contributed to the lack of proportional representation for African Americans, other factors have been found to increase the likelihood of a black candidate winning an election. Based on data from a study in [[Louisiana]], prior black incumbency, as well as running for an office that other black candidates had pursued in the past, increased the likelihood of African Americans entering into races and winning elections.<ref name=":2" /> ===== Hispanic and Latino Americans ===== {{See also|Hispanic and Latino Americans in politics}}As the most populous minority demographic identified in the 2010 US Census, [[Hispanic and Latino Americans]] have become an increasingly important constituency that is spread throughout the United States.<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal|last=Wallace|first=Sophia J.|date=2014|title=Examining Latino Support for Descriptive Representation: The Role of Identity and Discrimination |journal=Social Science Quarterly|volume=95|issue=2|pages=311–327|doi=10.1111/ssqu.12038|jstor=26612166|issn=0038-4941}}</ref> Despite also constituting 15% of the population in at least a quarter of House districts, Latino representation in Congress has not correspondingly increased.<ref name=":3" /> Furthermore, in 2017, Latino members of Congress only represented about one-quarter of the total Latino population in the US.<ref name=":1" /> While there are many potential explanations for this disparity, including issues related to voter suppression, surveys of Latino voters have identified trends unique to their demographic—though survey data has still indicated that descriptive representation is important to Hispanic and Latino voters.<ref name=":3" /> While descriptive representation may be considered important, an analysis of a 2004 national survey of Latinos revealed that political participation and substantive representation were strongly associated with each other, possibly indicating that voters mobilize more on behalf of candidates whose policy views reflect their own, rather than for those who share their ethnic background.<ref name=":4" /> Moreover, a breakdown of the rationale for emphasizing descriptive representation reveals additional factors behind supporting Latino candidates, such as the view that they may have a greater respect and appreciation for [[Spanish language|Spanish]] or a belief that Latinos are "linked" together, indicating the significance of shared cultural experiences and values.<ref name=":3" /> Although the reasons behind choosing to vote for Latino candidates are not monolithic, the election of Latinos to Congress has been identified as resulting in benefits for minorities overall. While it has been argued that unique district-related issues can take equal or greater precedence than Latino interests for Hispanic and Latino members of Congress, studies have also shown that Latinos are more likely to support African American members of Congress—and vice versa—beyond just what is expected from shared party membership.<ref name=":4" /> ===== Native Americans ===== {{See also|Native Americans in United States elections|Native American Politics}}Similar to other minority groups, [[Native Americans in the United States|Native Americans]] often lack representation due to electoral policies. Gerrymandering, in particular, is noted as a method of concentrating Native voters in a limited number of districts to reduce their ability to influence multiple elections.<ref name=":5">{{Cite journal |last1=Schroedel|first1=Jean Reith|last2=Aslanian|first2=Artour|date=2017 |title=A Case Study of Descriptive Representation: The Experience of Native American Elected Officials in South Dakota|journal=American Indian Quarterly |volume=41|issue=3|pages=250–286|doi=10.5250/amerindiquar.41.3.0250|jstor=10.5250/amerindiquar.41.3.0250|s2cid=159930747|issn=0095-182X}}</ref> Despite structural efforts to limit their political representation, some states with large Native American populations have higher levels of representation. [[South Dakota]] has a Native population of about 9% with multiple [[List of federally recognized tribes in the United States|federally recognized tribal nations]], and it has been used as a case study of representation.<ref name=":5" /> A 2017 study that conducted interviews of former state elected officials in South Dakota revealed that even though many felt that they were only able to implement a limited number of significant changes for tribal communities, they still considered it to be "absolutely essential" that Native Americans had at least some descriptive representation to prevent complete exclusion from the political process.<ref name=":5" /> Moreover, formerly elected state and local government officials asserted that ensuring that the issues and concerns of tribal nations were addressed and understood depended on politicians with Native backgrounds.<ref name=":5" /> Historically backed suspicion and skepticism of the predominantly white US government was also considered to be an important reason for having representatives that reflect the histories and views of Native Americans.<ref name=":5" /> ===== Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders ===== {{See also|Asian Americans in politics}}Relative to other, larger minority demographics in the United States, [[Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders]] (AAPI) face different challenges related to political representation. Few congressional districts have a population that includes over 50% Asian Americans, which can elevate the likelihood of being represented by someone of a different race or ethnicity.<ref name=":1" /> As with other minorities, this can result in people feeling unrepresented by their member of Congress.<ref name=":1" /> ==== Gender and political representation ==== {{See also|Gender and politics|Women in the United States House of Representatives|Women in the United States Senate}} [[File:Gender Distribution of the 117th US Congress, House of Representatives.svg|thumb|There are 122 women members of the US House (blue) and 319 men (gray).[[117th United States Congress|117th Congress]] (2021-2023)]] [[File:Gender Distribution of the 117th US Congress, Senate.svg|thumb|There are 24 women members of the US Senate (blue) and 76 men (gray).[[117th United States Congress|117th Congress]] (2021-2023)]] Women have made continual socioeconomic progress in many key areas of society, such as in employment and education, and in comparison to men, women have [[Voting gender gap in the United States|voted at higher rates]] for over forty years—making their lack of more proportional representation in the political system surprising.<ref name=":7" /><ref name=":6" /> Some scholars have partially attributed this discrepancy to the [[electoral system]] in the United States, as it does not provide a mechanism for the types of [[Women in government|gender quotas]] seen in other countries.<ref name=":6" /> Additionally, even though gerrymandering and concentrated political representation can essentially ensure at least some representation for minority racial and ethnic groups, women—who are relatively evenly spread throughout the United States—do not receive similar benefits from this practice.<ref name=":1" /> Identifying the source of unequal gender representation of individuals can be predicted along party and ideological lines. A survey of attitudes toward women candidates revealed that Democrats are more likely to attribute systemic issues to gender inequalities in political representation, while Republicans are less likely to hold this perspective.<ref name=":7" /> While identifying an exact source of inequality may ultimately prove unlikely, some recent studies have suggested that the political ambitions of women may be influenced by the wide variety of proposed factors attributed to the underrepresentation of women.<ref name=":7" /> In contrast to attributing specific reasons to unequal representation, political party has also been identified as a way of predicting if a woman running for office is more likely to receive support, as women candidates are more likely to receive votes from members of their party and [[Independent voter|Independents]].<ref name=":7" /> ===== Social inequality and sexism ===== {{See also|Sexism in American political elections|Gender inequality}}Social inequality and [[sexism]] have been noted by scholars as influencing the electoral process for women. In a survey of attitudes toward women candidates, women respondents were far more likely to view the process of running for office as "hostile" to women than men, especially when considering public hesitancy to support women candidates, media coverage, and public discrimination.<ref name=":7" /> [[Political fundraising]] for candidates is also an area of inequality, as men donate at a higher rate than women—which is compounded by gender and [[racial inequality in the United States|racial inequalities]] related to income and employment.<ref name=":6" /> Recent increases in woman-focused fundraising groups have started to alter this imbalance.<ref name=":6" /> Given that disproportionate levels of household labor often become the responsibility of women, discrimination within households has also been identified as a major influence on the capability of women to run for office.<ref name=":6" /> For women in the LGBTQ community, some scholars have raised concern about the unequal attention paid to the needs of lesbians compared to transgender, bisexual, and queer women, with lesbian civil rights described as receiving more of a focus from politicians.<ref name=":9" /> ===== Social pressures and influences ===== Social pressures are another influence on women who run for office, often coinciding with sexism and discrimination. Some scholars have argued that views of discrimination have prompted a decrease in the supply of women willing to run for office, though this has been partially countered by those who argue that women are actually just more "strategic" when trying to identify an election with favorable conditions.<ref name=":6" /> Other factors, like the overrepresentation of men, have been described as influencing perceptions of men as somehow inherently more effective as politicians or leaders, which some scholars argue could pressure women to stay out of elections.<ref name=":6" /> Others contend that the overrepresentation of men can actually result in "political momentum" for women, such as during the [[Year of the Woman]].<ref name=":6" /> Within some racial and ethnic groups, social influences can also shape political engagement. Among Latinos, Latinas are more likely to partake in non-electoral activities, like community organizing, when compared to men.<ref name=":3" /> Despite differences in political activity and social pressures, elected women from both political parties have voiced their support for electing more women to Congress to increase the acceptance of their voices and experiences.<ref name=":6" /> Furthermore, studies have found that increasing the descriptive representation of women can provide positive social influences for democracy as a whole, such as improved perceptions of an individual's political efficacy and government's responsiveness to the needs of people.<ref name=":1" /> When women can vote for a woman candidate of the same party, studies have also found that these influences can be magnified.<ref name=":1" /> ==== LGBT political representation ==== {{See also|LGBTQ people in the United States}} [[File:Celebrating a new America -lovewins 58242 (18588276403).jpg|thumb|The [[White House]] illuminated in the colors of the [[Rainbow flag (LGBT)|rainbow flag]] after the ''[[Obergefell v. Hodges]]'' ruling legalized [[same-sex marriage in the United States|same-sex marriage]] nationally]] Although some scholars have disputed the benefits of descriptive representation, only a small number have argued that this form of representation actually has negative impacts on the group it represents.<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Haider-Markel|first=Donald P.|date=2007|title=Representation and Backlash: The Positive and Negative Influence of Descriptive Representation|journal=Legislative Studies Quarterly|volume=32|issue=1|pages=107–133 |doi=10.3162/036298007X202001|jstor=40263412|issn=0362-9805}}</ref> Studies of bills relating to [[LGBTQ rights in the United States|LGBT rights]] in state legislatures have provided a more nuanced analysis. Pro-LGBT bills tend to be introduced in higher numbers when more LGBT representatives are elected to state legislatures, which may also indicate an increased likelihood of substantive representation.<ref name=":8" /> Increases in openly LGBT state lawmakers have also been hypothesized to inadvertently result in more anti-LGBT legislation, potentially as the result of backlash to their presence.<ref name=":8" /> Despite the risk of negative consequences, at least one study has concluded that the LGBT community receives net-benefits from increased openly LGBT representation.<ref name=":8" /> On the federal level, the presence of the [[Congressional Equality Caucus|Congressional LGBTQ+ Equality Caucus]] has been identified as improving the ability of Congress to address the intersectional issues faced by the LGBT community, as well as provide a source of pressure other than constituency on members of Congress to address LGBT issues.<ref name=":9" /> Additionally, non-LGBT members of the caucus have been criticized for not sponsoring enough legislation, emphasizing the value of openly LGBT members of Congress.<ref name=":9" /> While descriptive representation has provided benefits overall, scholars have noted that some groups in the community, such as [[transgender]] and [[Bisexuality|bisexual]] people, tend to receive less focus than [[gay]]s and [[lesbian]]s.<ref name=":9" />
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