Editing Gamal Abdel Nasser (section)

== Legacy ==
[[File:Nasser and Taha Hussein, Nov 19 1959.JPG|thumb|right|alt=Two men conferring with each other, both are wearing suits and the man on the left is also wearing sunglasses. Three men are standing around them, with one holding a number of objects in his hand|Nasser presenting prominent and blind writer [[Taha Hussein]] (standing in front of Nasser) with a national honors prize for literature, 1959]]

Nasser made Egypt fully independent of [[Anglo-Egyptian Sudan|British influence]],<ref name="Cook111">{{Harvnb|Cook|2011|p=111}}</ref><ref name="Reich379">{{Harvnb|Reich|1990|p=379}}</ref> and the country became a major power in the [[developing world]] under his leadership.<ref name="Cook111" /> One of Nasser's main domestic efforts was to establish [[social justice]], which he deemed a prerequisite to [[liberal democracy]].<ref name="Darling192">{{Harvnb|Darling|2013|p=192}}</ref> During his presidency, ordinary citizens enjoyed unprecedented access to housing, education, jobs, health services and nourishment, as well as other forms of [[social welfare]], while [[feudalistic]] influence waned.<ref name="Cook111" /><ref name="Ahram" />

However, these advances came at the expense of civil liberties. In Nasser's Egypt, the media were tightly controlled, mail was opened, and telephones were wiretapped.<ref>[https://www.britannica.com/biography/Gamal-Abdel-Nasser Gamal Abdel Nasser] at Encyclopædia Britannica</ref> He was elected in 1956, 1958 and 1965 in plebiscites in which he was the sole candidate, each time claiming unanimous or near-unanimous support. With few exceptions, the legislature did little more than approve Nasser's policies. As the legislature was made up almost entirely of government supporters, Nasser effectively held all governing power in the nation.

By the end of his presidency, employment and working conditions improved considerably, although poverty was still high in the country and substantial resources allocated for social welfare had been diverted to the war effort.<ref name="Darling192" />

The national economy grew significantly through [[agrarian reform]], major modernization projects such as the Helwan steel works and the Aswan Dam, and nationalization schemes such as that of the Suez Canal.<ref name="Cook111" /><ref name="Ahram" /> However, the marked economic growth of the early 1960s took a downturn for the remainder of the decade, only recovering in 1970.<ref name="Cook112">{{Harvnb|Cook|2011|p=112}}</ref> Egypt experienced a "golden age" of culture during Nasser's presidency, according to historian Joel Gordon, particularly in film, television, theater, radio, literature, [[fine art]]s, comedy, poetry, and music.<ref name="Gordon171">{{Harvnb|Gordon|2000|p=171}}</ref> Egypt under Nasser dominated the Arab world in these fields,<ref name="Ahram" /><ref name="Gordon171" /> producing cultural icons.<ref name="Ahram" />

During Mubarak's presidency, [[Nasserism|Nasserist]] political parties began to emerge in Egypt, the first being the [[Arab Democratic Nasserist Party]] (ADNP).<ref>{{harvnb|Bernard-Maugiron|2008|p=220}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Brynen|Korany|Noble|1995|p=50}}</ref> The party carried minor political influence,<ref name="Podeh100">{{harvnb|Podeh|2004|p=100}}</ref> and splits between its members beginning in 1995 resulted in the gradual establishment of splinter parties,<ref>{{cite news |last=El-Nahhas |first=Mona |title=Nasserism's potential untapped |url=http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/503/el5.htm |work=Al-Ahram Weekly |issue=503 |date=18 October 2000 |access-date=10 June 2013 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121119073022/http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/503/el5.htm |archive-date=19 November 2012}}</ref> including [[Hamdeen Sabahi]]'s 1997 founding of [[Dignity Party (Egypt)|Al-Karama]].<ref name="AO&Jadaliyya" /> Sabahi came in third place during the [[2012 Egyptian presidential election|2012 presidential election]].<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2012/05/201252613122175999.html |title=Egypt candidate to seek election suspension |work=[[Al Jazeera English]] |publisher=[[Al Jazeera Arabic|Al-Jazeera]] |date=27 May 2012 |access-date=10 June 2013}}</ref> Nasserist activists were among the founders of [[Kefaya]], a major opposition force during Mubarak's rule.<ref name="AO&Jadaliyya">{{cite web |url=http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/33/104/26690/Elections-/Political-Parties/AlKarama.aspx |title=Egypt Elections Watch: Al-Karama |work=[[Ahram Online]] and [[Jadaliyya]] |date=18 November 2011 |access-date=11 June 2013}}</ref> On 19 September 2012, four Nasserist parties (the ADNP, Karama, the [[National Conciliation Party (Egypt)|National Conciliation Party]], and the Popular Nasserist Congress Party) merged to form the [[United Nasserist Party]].<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/nasserist-groups-announce-new-unified-political-party |title=Nasserist groups announce new, unified political party |work=[[Egypt Independent]] |publisher=[[Al-Masry Al-Youm]] |date=20 September 2012 |access-date=11 June 2013}}</ref>

=== Public image ===
[[File:Nasser giving job.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=A man on his knees looking up to a man sitting and holding his hand and wearing sun glasses, has his right hand on his shoulder and is talking to him. In the background there are men in military uniform all looking on the kneeling man.|Nasser speaking to a homeless Egyptian man and offering him a job, after the man was found sleeping below the stage where Nasser was seated, 1959]]

Nasser was known for his accessibility and direct relationship with ordinary Egyptians.<ref name="Podeh67-8">{{Harvnb|Podeh|2004|pp=67–68}}</ref><ref>{{Harvnb|Hamad|2008|pp=100–101}}</ref> His availability to the public, despite assassination attempts against him, was unparalleled among his successors.<ref name="EIGolia">{{cite news |first=Maria |last=Golia |title=Kings never die: A tale of a devoted iconography |url=http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/kings-never-die-tale-devoted-iconography |work=[[Egypt Independent]] |publisher=[[Al-Masry Al-Youm]] |date=23 July 2011 |access-date=30 June 2013}}</ref> A skilled orator,<ref>{{Harvnb|Dawisha|2009|p=149}}</ref> Nasser gave 1,359 speeches between 1953 and 1970, a record for any Egyptian head of state.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hamad|2008|p=99}}</ref> Historian Elie Podeh wrote that a constant theme of Nasser's image was "his ability to represent Egyptian authenticity, in triumph or defeat".<ref name="Podeh67-8" /> The national press also helped to foster his popularity and profile—more so after the nationalization of state media.<ref name="EIGolia" /> Historian Tarek Osman wrote:
<blockquote>The interplay in the Nasser 'phenomenon' between genuine expression of popular feeling and state-sponsored propaganda may sometimes be hard to disentangle. But behind it lies a vital historical fact: that Gamal Abdel Nasser signifies the only truly Egyptian developmental project in the country's history since the fall of the Pharaonic state. There had been other projects ... But this was different—in origin, meaning and impact. For Nasser was a man of the Egyptian soil who had overthrown the Middle East's most established and sophisticated monarchy in a swift and bloodless move—to the acclaim of millions of poor, oppressed Egyptians—and ushered in a programme of 'social justice', 'progress and development', and 'dignity'.<ref name="Osman 42">{{Harvnb|Osman|2011|p=42}}</ref></blockquote>

[[File:Nasser in Mansoura, 1960.jpg|thumb|left|alt=A man wearing a suit and tie with his upper body jutting out, waving his hand to crowds of people, many dressed in traditional clothing and holding posters of the man or three-striped, two-star flags|Nasser waving to crowds in [[Mansoura]], 1960]]

While Nasser was increasingly criticized by Egyptian intellectuals following the Six-Day War and his death in 1970, the general public was persistently sympathetic both during and after Nasser's life.<ref name="Podeh67-8" /> According to political scientist Mahmoud Hamad, writing in 2008, "nostalgia for Nasser is easily sensed in Egypt and all Arab countries today".<ref name="Hamad100">{{Harvnb|Hamad|2008|p=100}}</ref> General malaise in Egyptian society, particularly during the [[History of Egypt under Hosni Mubarak|Mubarak era]], augmented nostalgia for Nasser's presidency, which increasingly became associated with the ideals of national purpose, hope, social cohesion, and vibrant culture.<ref name="Gordon171" />

Until the present day, Nasser serves as an iconic figure throughout the Arab world,<ref name="Cook111" /><ref>{{cite news |last=Hardy |first=Roger |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/5204490.stm |title=How Suez made Nasser an Arab icon |work=[[BBC News]] |publisher=BBC MMIX |date=26 July 2006 |access-date=23 November 2009}}</ref> a symbol of Arab unity and dignity,<ref name="Hourani369">{{Harvnb|Hourani|2002|p=369}}</ref><ref name="Seale66">{{Harvnb|Seale|1990|p=66}}</ref><ref name="Dekmeijan">{{Harvnb|Dekmejian|1971|p=304}}</ref> and a towering figure in [[History of the Middle East#Modern Middle East|modern Middle Eastern history]].<ref name="Cook41" /> He is also considered a champion of social justice in Egypt.<ref>{{cite news |first=Ramadan |last=Al Sherbini |title=Anniversary heightens face-off with Muslim Brotherhood |url=http://gulfnews.com/news/region/egypt/anniversary-heightens-face-off-with-muslim-brotherhood-1.1212381 |publisher=Al Nisr Publishing LLC |work=[[Gulf News]] |date=23 July 2012 |access-date=18 August 2013}}</ref><ref name="StephensHT">{{citation |first=Robert |last=Stephens |title=Makers of the Twentieth Century: Nasser |url=http://www.historytoday.com/robert-stephens/makers-twentieth-century-nasser |work=[[History Today]] |publisher=History Today |volume=31 |issue=2 |year=1981 |access-date=18 August 2013}}</ref> [[Time magazine|''Time'']] writes that despite his mistakes and shortcomings, Nasser "imparted a sense of personal worth and national pride that [Egypt and the Arabs] had not known for 400 years. This alone may have been enough to balance his flaws and failures."<ref name="TIME">{{cite news |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,942325-1,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100313132254/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,942325-1,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=13 March 2010 |title=Nasser's Legacy: Hope and Instability |work=[[Time magazine|Time]] |date=12 October 1970 |access-date=3 May 2010}}</ref>

Historian [[Steven A. Cook]] wrote in July 2013, "Nasser's heyday still represents, for many, the last time that Egypt felt united under leaders whose espoused principles met the needs of ordinary Egyptians."<ref>{{cite news |first=Steven |last=Cook |author-link=Steven A. Cook |title=A Faustian Pact: Generals as Democrats |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/26/opinion/a-faustian-pact-generals-as-democrats.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=25 July 2013 |access-date=18 August 2013}}</ref> During the [[Arab Spring]], which resulted in a [[Egyptian Revolution of 2011|revolution]] in Egypt, photographs of Nasser were raised in Cairo and Arab capitals during anti-government demonstrations.<ref name="AlJazeeraAndoni">{{cite news |last=Andoni |first=Lamis |url=http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/02/201121115231647934.html |title=The resurrection of pan-Arabism |work=[[Al-Jazeera English]] |publisher=[[Al Jazeera Arabic|Al-Jazeera]] |date=11 February 2011 |access-date=15 February 2011}}</ref><ref name="AhramTonsi">{{cite news |last=El-Tonsi |first=Ahmed |url=http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/1031/21/The-legacy-of-Nasserism.aspx |title=The legacy of Nasserism |work=[[Al-Ahram Weekly]] |date=16 January 2013 |access-date=1 July 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130630194535/http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/1031/21/The-legacy-of-Nasserism.aspx |archive-date=30 June 2013 |url-status=dead}}</ref> According to journalist Lamis Andoni, Nasser had become a "symbol of Arab dignity" during the mass demonstrations.<ref name="AlJazeeraAndoni" />

=== Criticism ===
[[File:Nasser and Sadat in National Assembly.JPG|thumb|right|alt=Two men in suits seated next to each other with their arms resting on a table|[[Anwar Sadat]] (left) and Nasser in the National Assembly, 1964. Sadat succeeded Nasser as president in 1970 and significantly departed from Nasser's policies throughout his rule.]]
Sadat declared his intention to "continue the path of Nasser" in his 7 October 1970 presidential inauguration speech,<ref name="Cooper67" /> but began to depart from Nasserist policies as his domestic position improved following the 1973 [[1973 Arab–Israeli War|October War]].<ref name="Podeh100" /><ref name="Cooper67">{{Harvnb|Cooper|1982|p=67}}</ref> President Sadat's [[Infitah]] policy sought to open Egypt's economy for private investment.<ref name="Osman 44">{{harvnb|Osman|2011|p=44}}</ref> According to Heikal, ensuing anti-Nasser developments until the present day led to an Egypt "[half] at war with Abdel-Nasser, half [at war] with Anwar El-Sadat".<ref name="Ahram" />

Nasser's Egyptian detractors considered him a dictator who thwarted democratic progress, imprisoned thousands of dissidents, and led a repressive administration responsible for numerous human rights violations.<ref name="Ahram">{{cite news |url=http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/501/nasser2.htm |title=Liberating Nasser's Legacy |first1=Hani |last1=Shukrallah |author-link1=Hani Shukrallah |first2=Hosny |last2=Guindy |work=[[Al-Ahram Weekly]] |publisher=[[Al-Ahram]] |date=4 November 2000 |access-date=23 November 2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090806232017/http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2000/501/nasser2.htm |archive-date=6 August 2009}}</ref> Islamists in Egypt, particularly members of the politically persecuted Brotherhood, viewed Nasser as oppressive, tyrannical, and demonic.<ref>{{harvnb|Podeh|2004|p=61}}</ref> Samer S. Shehata, who wrote an article on "The Politics of Laughter: Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarek in Egyptian Political Jokes" noted that "with the new regime came the end of parliamentary politics and political freedoms, including the right to organize political parties, and freedoms of speech and the press".<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/1261035|jstor=1261035|title=The Politics of Laughter: Nasser, Sadat, and Mubarek in Egyptian Political Jokes|last1=Shehata|first1=Samer S.|journal=Folklore|year=1992|volume=103|issue=1|pages=75–91|doi=10.1080/0015587X.1992.9715831}}</ref> Liberal writer Tawfiq al-Hakim described Nasser as a "confused Sultan" who employed stirring rhetoric, but had no actual plan to achieve his stated goals.<ref name="Osman 44" />

Some of Nasser's [[Liberalism in Egypt|liberal]] and Islamist critics in Egypt, including the founding members of the [[New Wafd Party]] and writer [[Jamal Badawi]], dismissed Nasser's popular appeal with the Egyptian masses during his presidency as being the product of successful manipulation and demagoguery.<ref name="Podehix-x" /> Egyptian political scientist Alaa al-Din Desouki blamed the 1952 revolution's shortcomings on Nasser's concentration of power, and Egypt's lack of democracy on Nasser's political style and his government's limitations on [[freedom of expression]] and [[Participation (decision making)|political participation]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Podeh|2004|p=50}}</ref>
American political scientist Mark Cooper asserted that Nasser's charisma and his direct relationship with the Egyptian people "rendered intermediaries (organizations and individuals) unnecessary".<ref name="Cooper64" /> He opined that Nasser's legacy was a "guarantee of instability" due to Nasser's reliance on personal power and the absence of strong political institutions under his rule.<ref name="Cooper64">{{Harvnb|Cooper|1982|p=64}}</ref> Historian Abd al-Azim Ramadan wrote that Nasser was an irrational and irresponsible leader, blaming his inclination to solitary decision-making for Egypt's losses during the Suez War, among other events.<ref name="Podeh105">{{Harvnb|Podeh|2004|p=105}}</ref> [[Miles Copeland, Jr.]], a [[Central Intelligence Agency]] officer known for his close personal relationship with Nasser,{{sfn|Wilford|2013|pp=xi, 67–68, 137, 153, 225, 283}} said that the barriers between Nasser and the outside world have grown so thick that all but the information that attest to his infallibility, indispensability, and immortality has been filtered out.<ref>{{Harvnb|Podeh|2004|p=49}}</ref>

[[Zakaria Mohieddin]], who was Nasser's vice president, said that Nasser gradually changed during his reign. He ceased consulting his colleagues and made more and more of the decisions himself. Although Nasser repeatedly said that a war with Israel will start at a time of his, or Arab, choosing, in 1967 he started a bluffing game "but a successful bluff means your opponent must not know which cards you are holding. In this case Nasser's opponent could see his hand in the mirror and knew he was only holding a pair of deuces" and Nasser knew that his army is not prepared yet. "All of this was out of character...His tendencies in this regard may have been accentuated by diabetes... That was the only rational explanation for his actions in 1967".<ref name="Parker1993p79" />

====Antisemitism====
Nasser told a German neo-Nazi newspaper in 1964 that "no person, not even the most simple one, takes seriously the lie of the six million Jews that were murdered [in the Holocaust]."<ref>{{cite book |last=Satloff |first=Robert |title=Among the Righteous: Lost Stories from the Holocaust's Long Reach Into Arab lands |publisher=PublicAffairs |year=2007 |page=163 |isbn=978-1-58648-510-8}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Laqueur |first=Walter |title=The Changing Face of Antisemitism: From Ancient Times to the Present Day |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2006 |page=[https://archive.org/details/changingfaceofan00laqu/page/141 141] |isbn=978-0-19-530429-9 |url=https://archive.org/details/changingfaceofan00laqu/page/141}}</ref><ref name="Wistrich1985p188" /> However, he is not known to have ever again publicly called the figure of six million into question, perhaps because his advisors and East German contacts had advised him on the subject.<ref>{{cite book |last=Achar |first=Gilbert |title=The Arabs and the Holocaust |publisher=Saqi Books |year=2011 |page=210}}</ref> Nasser, convinced of its authenticity, also encouraged the distribution of the antisemitic fabrication ''[[The Protocols of the Elders of Zion]]''. He believed that the Jews greatly influenced the global financial market and that they ultimately strove for world domination. Nasser also hired former Nazi officials like [[Johann von Leers]] to distribute antisemitic propaganda. He is, however, thought to have been more moderate in that regard than contemporary political powers like Young Egypt or the Muslim Brotherhood.{{sfn|Herf|2009|p=260}}{{sfn|Stillman|2005|p=483}}

=== Regional leadership ===
[[File:Nimeiry, Nasser and Gaddafi, 1969.jpg|thumb|right|alt=Three men walking side by side. The man in the middle is wearing a suit, while the two to his side are wearing military uniforms and hats. There are a few other men in uniform walking behind them|[[Jaafar Nimeiry]] of Sudan (left), Nasser, and [[Muammar Gaddafi]] of [[Libya]] (right) at the [[Tripoli International Airport|Tripoli Airport]], 1969. Nimeiry and Gaddafi were influenced by Nasser's pan-Arabist ideas and the latter sought to succeed him as "leader of the Arabs".]]

Through his actions and speeches, and because he was able to symbolize the popular Arab will, Nasser inspired several nationalist revolutions in the Arab world.<ref name="Osman 42" /> He defined the politics of his generation and communicated directly with the public masses of the Arab world, bypassing the various heads of states of those countries—an accomplishment not repeated by other Arab leaders.<ref name="Podehix-x">{{Harvnb|Podeh|2004|pp=ix–x}}</ref> The extent of Nasser's centrality in the region made it a priority for incoming Arab nationalist heads of state to seek good relations with Egypt, in order to gain popular legitimacy from their own citizens.<ref name="Dawisha151">{{Harvnb|Dawisha|2009|p=151}}</ref>

To varying degrees,<ref name="Cook41" /> Nasser's [[statism|statist]] system of government was continued in Egypt and emulated by virtually all Arab republics,<ref name="Podeh47">{{Harvnb|Podeh|2004|p=47}}</ref> namely Algeria, Syria, Iraq, Tunisia, [[Yemen]], Sudan, and Libya.<ref name="Cook41" /><ref name="Podeh47" /> [[Ahmed Ben Bella]], Algeria's first president, was a staunch Nasserist.<ref>{{Citation |last=Abdel-Malek |first=Anouar |author-link=Anouar Abdel-Malek |url=http://socialistregister.com/index.php/srv/article/view/5927 |title=Nasserism and Socialism |journal=The Socialist Register |volume=1 |year=1964 |page=52 |access-date=26 November 2009 |issue=1}}</ref> Abdullah al-Sallal drove out the king of North Yemen in the name of Nasser's pan-Arabism.<ref name="Aburish207" /> Other coups influenced by Nasser included those that occurred in Iraq in July 1958 and Syria in 1963.<ref>{{Harvnb|Asterjian|2007|p=52}}</ref> Muammar Gaddafi, who overthrew the [[Idris of Libya|Libyan monarchy]] in 1969, considered Nasser his hero and sought to succeed him as "leader of the Arabs".<ref>{{cite news |last=Fetini |first=Alyssa |url=http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1876539,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090205112422/http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1876539,00.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=5 February 2009 |title=Muammar Gaddafi |work=[[Time magazine|Time]] |date=3 February 2009 |access-date=24 November 2009}}</ref> Also in 1969, Colonel [[Gaafar Nimeiry]], a supporter of Nasser, took power in Sudan.<ref>{{Harvnb|Rubin|2010|p=41}}</ref> The [[Arab Nationalist Movement]] (ANM) helped spread Nasser's pan-Arabist ideas throughout the Arab world, particularly among the Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese,<ref>{{Harvnb|Kimmerling|Migdal|2003|p=225}}</ref><ref name="Dawisha156">{{Harvnb|Dawisha|2009|p=156}}</ref> and in [[South Yemen]], the [[Persian Gulf]], and Iraq.<ref name="Dawisha156" /> While many regional heads of state tried to emulate Nasser, Podeh opined that the "[[parochialism]]" of successive Arab leaders "transformed imitation [of Nasser] into parody".<ref name="Podeh47" />

=== Portrayal in film ===
In 1963, Egyptian director [[Youssef Chahine]] produced the film ''[[Saladin the Victorious|El Nasser Salah El Dine]]'' ("Saladin The Victorious"), which intentionally drew parallels between [[Saladin]], considered a hero in the Arab world, and Nasser and his pan-Arabist policies.<ref>{{Harvnb|Haydock|Risden|2009|p=110}}</ref> Nasser is played by [[Ahmed Zaki (actor)|Ahmed Zaki]] in [[Mohamed Fadel]]'s 1996 ''[[Nasser 56]]''. The film set the Egyptian box office record at the time, and focused on Nasser during the Suez Crisis.<ref>{{Harvnb|Gordon|2000|p=161}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |first=Gayle |last=Young |title=Nasser film strikes chord with the people of Egypt |url=http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/9610/24/egypt.nasser/ |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130921080450/http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/9610/24/egypt.nasser/ |url-status=dead |archive-date=21 September 2013 |work=[[CNN]] |publisher=Cable News Network, Inc. |date=24 October 1996 |access-date=23 July 2013}}</ref> It is also considered a milestone in [[Cinema of Egypt|Egyptian]] and [[Arab cinema]] as the first film to dramatize the role of a modern-day Arab leader.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hourani|Khoury|2004|p=599}}</ref> Together with the 1999 Syrian [[Biographical film|biopic]] ''Gamal Abdel Nasser'', the films marked the first biographical movies about contemporary public figures produced in the Arab world.<ref>{{cite news|last=Karawya |first=Fayrouz |url=http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/biopics-arab-world-history-entangled-subjectivity |title=Biopics in the Arab world: History entangled with subjectivity|work=Egypt Independent|publisher=Al-Masry Al-Youm|date=29 August 2011|access-date=10 June 2013}}</ref> He is portrayed by Amir Boutrous in the [[Netflix]] television series ''[[The Crown (TV series)|The Crown]]''.