Editing Jacobitism (section)

== Jacobite supporters in the three kingdoms ==

===Ireland===
The role of Jacobitism in Irish political history is debated; some argue that it was a broad-based popular movement and the main driver of Irish Catholic nationalism between 1688 and 1795.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|pp=21,30}} Others see it as part of "a pan-British movement, rooted in confessional and dynastic loyalties", very different from 19th-century Irish nationalism.{{sfn|Connolly|2014|pp=27–42}} Historian Vincent Morely describes Irish Jacobitism as a distinctive ideology within the broader movement that "emphasised the [[Milesians (Irish)|Milesian]] ancestry of the Stuarts, their loyalty to Catholicism, and Ireland's status as a kingdom with a Crown of its own."{{sfn|Morely|2016|p=333}} In the first half of the 18th century, Jacobitism was "the primary allegiance of politically conscious Catholics".{{sfn|Connolly|1992|pp=233–249}}

[[Image:TyrconnellBrighter.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell|Tyrconnell]], Deputy Governor of Ireland; his appointment of Catholics to military and political positions built widespread support for the Jacobite regime]]

Irish Catholic support for James was predicated on his religion and assumed willingness to deliver their demands. In 1685, Irish [[bard]] [[Dáibhí Ó Bruadair]] celebrated his accession as ensuring the revived supremacy of both the [[Catholic Church in Ireland]] and the [[Irish language]]. Tyrconnell's expansion of the army by the creation of Catholic regiments was welcomed by Diarmuid Mac Carthaigh, as enabling the native Irish 'Tadhg' to be armed and to assert his dominance over "John" the English Protestant.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|pp=77–79}} Conversely, most Irish Protestants viewed his policies as designed to "utterly ruin the Protestant interest and the English interest in Ireland".{{sfn|Lenihan|2008|p=175}} This restricted Protestant Jacobitism to "doctrinaire clergymen, disgruntled Tory landowners and Catholic converts", who opposed Catholicism but still viewed James' removal as unlawful.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=89}} A few Church of Ireland ministers refused to swear allegiance to the new regime and became [[Nonjuring schism|Non-Jurors]], the most famous being propagandist [[Charles Leslie (nonjuror)|Charles Leslie]].{{sfn|Doyle|1997|pp=29–30}}

Since regaining England was his primary objective, James viewed Ireland as a strategic dead-end but [[Louis XIV]] of France argued it was the best place to launch a [[regime change]] war, since the administration was controlled by Tyrconnell and his cause was popular among the majority Catholic population.{{sfn|Miller|1978|pp=220–221}} James landed at [[Kinsale]] in March 1689 and in May called the first [[Parliament of Ireland]] since 1666, primarily seeking taxes to fund the war effort. Tyrconnell ensured a predominantly Catholic electorate and candidates by issuing new [[Borough#Ireland|borough]] charters, admitting Catholics into city corporations, and removing "disloyal members".{{sfn|Gillen|2016|p=52}} Since elections were not held in many northern areas, the [[Irish House of Commons]] was 70 members short, and 224 out of 230 [[Member of parliament|MPs]] were Catholic.{{sfn|Doyle|1997|p=30}}

Known to 19th-century Irish historians as the "[[Patriot Parliament]]", it opened by proclaiming James as the rightful king and condemning the "treasonous subjects" who had ousted him. There were some divisions among Irish Jacobites on the issue of returning all Catholic lands confiscated [[Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652|in 1652]] after the [[Cromwellian conquest of Ireland]]. The majority of the Irish House of Commons wanted the [[Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652|1652 Cromwellian Act of Settlement]] repealed in its entirety, with ownership returned to that prevailing in 1641. This was opposed by a minority within the Catholic elite who had benefited from the [[Act of Settlement 1662|1662 Act of Settlement]], a group that included James himself, Tyrconnell and other members of the [[Irish House of Lords]]. Instead, they suggested those dispossessed in the 1650s should be restored to half their estates and paid compensation for the remainder.{{sfn|Lenihan|2008|p=178}} However, with the Commons overwhelmingly in favour of complete restoration, Tyrconnell persuaded the Lords to approve the bill.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=136}}

More serious was the fact James was unwilling to do anything that might jeopardise potential support from Protestants in England and Scotland.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=136}} These conflicted with the demands of the Irish Parliament, which in addition to land restoration included toleration for Catholicism and Irish autonomy.{{sfn|Harris|2007|p=445}} When it became clear Parliament would only vote war taxes if he met their minimum demands, James reluctantly gave his assent to Tyrconnell's land bill and passed a [[bill of attainder]], confiscating estates from 2,000 mostly Protestant "rebels".{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=177}} Although he also approved Parliament's resolution that Ireland was a "distinct kingdom" and laws passed in England did not apply there, he refused to abolish [[Poynings' Law (on certification of acts)|Poynings' Law]], which required Irish legislation be approved by the English Parliament.{{sfn|Moody|Martin| Byrne|2009|p=490}}

Despite his own Catholicism, James viewed the Protestant Church of Ireland as an important part of his support base; he insisted on retaining its legal pre-eminence, although agreeing landowners would only have to pay [[tithes]] to clergy of their own religion.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=177}} However, the price of these concessions was that Irish Jacobitism became almost entirely confined to Catholics, who after 1690 split between Tyrconnell's 'peace party', who sought a negotiated solution, and a 'war party' led by [[Patrick Sarsfield]] who favoured fighting on to the end.{{sfn|Simms|1952|pp=309–312}}

[[Image:Uniform and colonel’s flag of the Hibernia Regiment.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|The Spanish [[Regiment of Hibernia]], c. 1740; foreign military service remained common for Irish Catholics until banned after 1745]]

James left Ireland after defeat at [[Battle of the Boyne|the Boyne]] in 1690, telling his supporters to "shift for themselves".{{sfn|Lenihan|2008|p=183}} This led some to depict him as {{lang|ga|Séamus an chaca}}, "James the shit", who had deserted his loyal followers.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=84}} However, Gaelic scholar [[Breandán Ó Buachalla]] claims his reputation subsequently recovered as "the rightful king&nbsp;... destined to return', while upper-class Irish Jacobites like [[Charles O'Kelly]] and Nicholas Plunkett blamed "corrupt English and Scottish advisors" for his apparent desertion.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=85}}

After 1691, measures passed by the 1689 Parliament were annulled, [[Penal Laws (Ireland)|penal laws]] criminalized the practice of Catholicism and barred Catholics from public life, while the Act of Attainder was used to justify further land confiscations. 12,000 Jacobite soldiers went into exile in the diaspora known as the [[Flight of the Wild Geese]], the majority of whom were later absorbed into the [[French Royal Army]]'s [[Irish Brigade (French)|Irish Brigade]]. About 1,000 men were recruited for the French and Spanish armies annually, many with a "tangible commitment to the Stuart cause".{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=199}} Elements of the French Irish Brigade participated in the Scottish Jacobite rising of 1745.

Irish-language poets, especially in [[Munster]], continued to champion the cause after James' death; in 1715, Eoin O Callanain described his son Prince [[James Francis Edward Stuart]] as {{lang|ga|taoiseach na nGaoidheal}} or "chieftain of the Gaels".{{sfn|Morley|2007|p=194}} As in England, throughout the 1720s, Prince James' birthday on 10 June was marked by celebrations in Dublin, and towns like [[Kilkenny]] and [[Galway]]. These were often accompanied by rioting, suggested as proof of popular pro-Jacobite sympathies.{{sfn|Lenihan|2014|p=244}} Others argue riots were common in 18th-century urban areas and see them as a "series of ritualised clashes".{{sfn|Garnham|2002|pp=81–82}}

Some historians claim Jacobite rhetoric and symbolism in the many works of [[Aisling]] poetry composed in the [[Irish language]] and support for [[rapparees]] like [[Éamonn an Chnoic]], [[John Hurley (Jacobite)|John Hurley]], and [[Galloping Hogan]], is proof of popular backing for a Stuart restoration.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=144}} Others, however, argue it is hard to discern "how far rhetorical Jacobitism reflected support for the Stuarts, as opposed to discontent with the status quo".{{sfn|Gillen|2016|p=59}} Nevertheless, fears of resurgent Jacobitism among the ruling Protestant minority meant anti-Catholic Penal Laws remained in place for most of the eighteenth century.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=374}}

In both 1715 and 1745, there were no Irish risings to accompany those in England and Scotland. One suggestion is that for various reasons, post 1691 Irish Jacobites looked to European allies, rather than a domestic revolt.{{sfn|Ó Ciardha|2000|p=84}} From the 1720s on, many middle-class Catholics were willing to swear loyalty to the Hanoverian regime, but balked at the [[English post-Reformation oaths#The Irish Oath of 1774 to Catholic Emancipation, 1829|Oath of Abjuration]], which required them to reject the authority of the Pope, and doctrines of [[Transubstantiation]] and the [[Real Presence]].{{sfn|Connolly|2003|pp=64–65}} After the effective demise of the Jacobite cause in the 1750s and '60s, organisations like the [[Catholic Convention]] were established to agitate for the redress of Catholic grievances within the existing state.{{sfn|Graham|2002|p=51}} When [[Charles Edward Stuart|Charles]] died in 1788, Irish nationalists looked for alternative liberators, among them the [[French First Republic]], [[Napoleon]] Bonaparte and [[Daniel O'Connell]].{{sfn|Morley|2007|pp=198–201}}

=== England and Wales ===
{{Toryism |expanded=general}}
In England and Wales, Jacobitism was often associated with the [[Tories (British political party)|Tories]], many of whom supported James's right to the throne during the [[Exclusion Crisis]]. Tory ideology implied that neither "time nor statute law [...] could ameliorate the sin of usurpation",{{sfn|Szechi|1994|p=64}} while shared Tory and Jacobite themes of divine right and sacred kingship may have provided an alternative to [[Whigs (British political party)|Whig]] concepts of "liberty and property".{{sfn|Brown|2002|p=62}} A minority of academics, including [[Eveline Cruickshanks]], have argued that until the late 1750s the Tories were a crypto-Jacobite party; others, that Jacobitism was a "limb of Toryism".{{sfn|McLynn|1985|p=81}} However, the supremacy of the Church of England was also central to Tory ideology, and James lost their support when his policies seemed to threaten that primacy. The [[Act of Settlement 1701]] excluding Catholics from the English throne was passed by a Tory administration; for the vast majority, Stuart Catholicism was an insuperable barrier to active support, while the Tory doctrine of non-resistance also discouraged them from supporting the exiles against a reigning monarch.{{sfn|McLynn|1982|p=98}}

[[File:Henry St John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke (1678).jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|Tory minister and Jacobite [[Henry St John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke|Lord Bolingbroke]]; driven into exile in 1715 and pardoned in 1720]]

For most of the period from 1690 to 1714, Parliament was either controlled by the Tories, or evenly split with the Whigs; when [[George I of Great Britain|George I]] succeeded Anne, most hoped to reconcile with the new regime. The [[John Erskine, Earl of Mar (1675–1732)|Earl of Mar]], who led the 1715 rising, observed "Jacobitisme, which they used to brand the Tories with, is now I presum out of doors".{{sfn|Colley|1985|p=26}} However, George blamed the 1710-to-1714 Tory government for the [[Peace of Utrecht]], which he viewed as damaging to his home state of [[Electorate of Hanover|Hanover]]. His isolation of former Tory ministers like [[Henry St John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke|Lord Bolingbroke]] and the Earl of Mar drove them first into opposition, then exile. Their exclusion from power between 1714 and 1742 led many Tories to remain in contact with the Jacobite court, which they saw as a potential tool for changing or pressuring the existing government.{{sfn|McLynn|1982|p=107}}

In 1715, there were co-ordinated celebrations on 29 May, [[Oak Apple Day|Restoration Day]], and 10 June, James Stuart's birthday, especially in Tory-dominated towns like [[Bristol]], [[Oxford]], [[Manchester]] and [[Norwich]], although they remained quiet in the 1715 Rising. In the 1730s many 'Jacobite' demonstrations in Wales and elsewhere were driven by local tensions, especially hostility to [[Methodism]], and featured attacks on Nonconformist chapels.{{sfn|Rogers|1982|pp=70–88}} Most English participants in 1715 came from traditionally Catholic areas in the northwest, such as [[Lancashire]].{{sfn|Oates|2016|pp=97–98}} By 1720 there were fewer than 115,000 in England and Wales, and most remained loyal in 1745, including the [[Edward Howard, 9th Duke of Norfolk|Duke of Norfolk]], head of the English Catholic community, sentenced to death for his role in 1715 but pardoned.{{sfn|Yates|2014|pp=37–38}} Even so, sympathies were complex; Norfolk's agent Andrew Blood joined the [[Manchester Regiment (Jacobite)|Manchester Regiment]], and he later employed another ex-officer, John Sanderson, as his master of horse.{{sfn|Monod|1993|p=134}} English Catholics continued to provide the exiles with financial support well into the 1770s.{{sfn|Szechi|1994|pp=18–19}}

In 1689, around 2% of clergy in the Church of England refused to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary; one list identifies a total of 584 clergy, schoolmasters and university dons as [[Nonjuring schism|Non Jurors]].{{sfn|Overton|1902|pp=467–496}} This almost certainly understates their numbers, for many sympathisers remained within the Church of England, but Non Jurors were disproportionately represented in Jacobite risings and riots, and provided many "martyrs". By the late 1720s arguments over doctrine and the death of its originators reduced the church to a handful of scattered congregations, but several of those executed in 1745 came from Manchester, the last significant assembly in England.{{sfn|Szechi|1994|p=19}}

[[Quaker]] leader [[William Penn]] was a prominent non-conformist supporter of James, although this was based on their personal relationship and did not survive his deposition. Another element in English Jacobitism was a handful of disaffected radicals, for whom the exiled Stuarts provided a potential alternative to the Whig establishment. An example was John Matthews, a Jacobite printer executed in 1719; his pamphlet ''Vox Populi vox Dei'' emphasised the [[Lockean]] theory of the [[social contract]], a doctrine very few Tories of the period would have supported.{{sfn|Colley|1985|p=28}}

=== Scotland ===
Scottish Jacobitism had wider and more extensive roots than in England. 20,000 Scots fought for the Jacobites in 1715, compared to 11,000 who joined the government army, and were the majority of the 9,000 to 14,000 who served in 1745.{{sfn|Szechi|1994|p=77}} One reason was the persistence of feudalism in parts of rural Scotland, where tenants could be compelled to provide their landlords with military service. Many of the Highland [[Scottish clans|clansmen]] who were a feature of Jacobite armies were raised this way: in all three major risings, the bulk of the rank and file were supplied by a small number of north-western clans whose leaders joined the rebellion.{{sfn|McCann|1963|p=20}}

[[File:Lord George Murray.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|Jacobite commander [[Lord George Murray (general)|George Murray]]; a pro-Union, anti-Hanoverian Scot who fought in the 1715, 1719 and 1745 Risings but loathed Prince Charles, he encapsulated the many contradictions of Jacobite support]]

Despite this, many Jacobites were Protestant Lowlanders, rather than the Catholic, Gaelic-speaking Highlanders of legend.{{sfn|Pittock|1998|p=135}} By 1745, fewer than 1% of Scots were Catholic, restricted to the far north-west and a few noble families.{{sfn|Hamilton|1963|p=4}} The majority of the rank and file, as well as many Jacobite leaders, belonged to Protestant non-juring Episcopalian congregations.{{sfn|Szechi|1994|p=67}} Throughout the 17th century, the close connection between Scottish politics and religion meant [[regime change]]s were accompanied by the losers being expelled from the [[Church of Scotland]]. In [[Glorious Revolution in Scotland#Religious settlement|1690]], over 200 clergymen lost their parishes, mostly in [[Aberdeenshire]] and [[Banffshire]], a strongly Episcopalian area since the 1620s. In 1745, around 25% of Jacobite recruits came from this part of the country.{{sfn|Pittock|1998|p=99}}

Episcopalianism was popular among social conservatives, as it emphasised indefeasible hereditary right, absolute obedience, and implied deposition of the senior Stuart line was a breach of natural order.{{sfn|Macinnes|2007|p=235}} The church continued to offer prayers for the Stuarts until 1788, while many refused to swear allegiance to the Hanoverians in 1714.{{sfn|Strong|2002|p=15}} However, even in 1690, a substantial minority accommodated to the new regime, a number that increased significantly after the establishment of the [[Scottish Episcopal Church]] in 1712.{{sfn|Szechi|1994|pp=19–20}}

Episcopalian ministers, such as Professor James Garden of Aberdeen, presented the 1707 Union as one in a series of disasters to befall Scotland, provoked by "the sins [...] of rebellion, injustice, oppression, schism and perjury".{{sfn|Shaw|1999|p=89}} Opposition was boosted by measures imposed by the post-1707 [[Parliament of Great Britain]], including the [[Treason Act 1708]], the 1711 ruling that barred Scots peers with English or British peerages from their seats in the [[House of Lords]], and tax increases.{{sfn|Szechi|1994|p=72}} Despite their own preferences, the Stuarts tried to appeal to this group; in 1745, Charles issued declarations dissolving the "pretended Union", despite concerns this would alienate his English supporters.{{sfn|Pittock|1998|p=26}}

However, opposition to post-Union legislation was not restricted to Jacobites. Many Presbyterians opposed the establishment of the Episcopal Church in 1712 and other measures of indulgence, while the worst [[Malt tax riots|tax riots]] took place in [[Glasgow]], a town noted for its antipathy to the Stuarts.{{sfn|Riding|2016|p=337}} As in England, some objected less to the Union than the Hanoverian connection; [[Lord George Murray (general)|Lord George Murray]], a senior Jacobite commander in 1745, was a Unionist who repeatedly disagreed with Charles, but opposed "wars [...] on account of the Electors of Hanover".{{sfn|McLynn|1982|pp=109–110}}