Editing French Revolution (section)

=== Financial and political crisis ===
France faced a series of budgetary crises during the 18th century as revenues failed to keep pace with expenditure.{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=36}}{{Sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=485, 490–491}} Although the economy grew solidly, the increase was not reflected in a proportional growth in taxes,{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=36}} their collection being contracted to [[Farm (revenue leasing)|tax farmers]] who kept much of it as personal profit. As the nobility and Church benefited from many exemptions, the tax burden fell mainly on peasants.{{Sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=483–485}} Reform was difficult because new tax laws had to be registered with regional judicial bodies or ''[[parlement]]s'' that were able to block them. The king could impose laws by decree, but this risked open conflict with the ''parlements'', the nobility, and those subject to new taxes.{{Sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=482–483}}

France primarily funded the [[Anglo-French War (1778–1783)|Anglo-French War]] of 1778–1783 through loans. Following the peace, the monarchy borrowed heavily, culminating in a debt crisis. By 1788, half of state revenue was required to service its debt.{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=38}} In 1786, the French finance minister, [[Charles Alexandre de Calonne|Calonne]], proposed a package of reforms including a universal land tax, the abolition of grain controls and internal tariffs, and new provincial assemblies appointed by the king. The new taxes were rejected, first by a hand-picked [[Assembly of Notables]] dominated by the nobility, then by the ''parlements'' when submitted by Calonne's successor [[Étienne Charles de Loménie de Brienne|Brienne]]. The notables and ''parlements'' argued that the proposed taxes could only be approved by an Estates-General, a representative body that had last met in 1614.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=69–76}}

The conflict between the Crown and the ''parlements'' became a national political crisis. Both sides issued a series of public statements, the government arguing that it was combating privilege and the ''parlement'' defending the ancient rights of the nation. Public opinion was firmly on the side of the ''parlements'', and riots broke out in several towns. Brienne's attempts to raise new loans failed, and on 8 August 1788, he announced that the king would summon an Estates-General to convene the following May. Brienne resigned and was replaced by [[Jacques Necker]].{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=75–85}}

In September 1788, the Parlement of Paris ruled that the Estates-General should convene in the same form as in 1614, meaning that the three estates (the clergy, nobility, and Third Estate or "commons") would meet and vote separately, with votes counted by estate rather than by head. As a result, the clergy and nobility could combine to outvote the Third Estate despite representing less than 5% of the population.{{Sfn|Schama|1989|p=115}}{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=88}}

Following the relaxation of censorship and laws against political clubs, a group of liberal nobles and middle class activists known as the Society of Thirty launched a campaign for the doubling of Third Estate representation and individual voting. The public debate sparked an average of 25 new political pamphlets published each week from 25 September 1788.{{Sfn|Cobban|1963|p=135}} The [[Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès|Abbé Sieyès]] issued influential pamphlets titled ''[[What Is the Third Estate?]]'' denouncing the privilege of the clergy and nobility, and arguing the Third Estate represented the nation and should sit alone as a National Assembly. Activists such as [[Jean Joseph Mounier]], [[Antoine Barnave]] and [[Maximilien Robespierre]] organised regional meetings, petitions and literature in support of these demands.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=89–96}} In December, the king agreed to double the representation of the Third Estate but left the question of counting votes for the Estates-General to decide.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=93}}