Editing Antonio Gramsci (section)

===Turin===
In 1911, Gramsci won a scholarship to study at the [[University of Turin]], sitting the exam at the same time as [[Palmiro Togliatti]].{{sfn|Hoare|Smith|1971|p=xx}} At [[Turin]], he read literature and took a keen interest in [[linguistics]], which he studied under [[Matteo Bartoli]]. Gramsci was in Turin while it was going through industrialization, with the [[Fiat]] and [[Lancia]] factories recruiting workers from poorer regions. Trade unions became established, and the first industrial social conflicts started to emerge.{{sfn|Hoare|Smith|1971|p=xxv}} Gramsci frequented socialist circles as well as associating with Sardinian emigrants on the Italian mainland. Both his earlier experiences in Sardinia and his environment on the mainland shaped his worldview. Gramsci joined the [[Italian Socialist Party]] (PSI) in late 1913, where he would later occupy a key position and observe from Turin the [[Russian Revolution]].<ref>{{Cite web|url= https://www.rs21.org.uk/2017/06/23/revolutionary-reflections-the-legacy-of-antonio-gramsci/|title= The Legacy of Antonio Gramsci|first= Gian Luigi|last= Deiana|date= 23 June 2017|access-date= 5 May 2019|archive-date= 5 May 2019|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20190505013148/https://www.rs21.org.uk/2017/06/23/revolutionary-reflections-the-legacy-of-antonio-gramsci/|url-status= live}}</ref>

[[File:Loggiato.jpg|thumb|left|The Rectorate at the [[University of Turin]], where Gramsci studied]]
Although showing a talent for his studies, Gramsci had financial problems and poor health. Together with his growing political commitment, these led to him abandoning his education in early 1915, at age 24. By this time he had acquired an extensive knowledge of history and philosophy. At university, he had come into contact with the thought of [[Antonio Labriola]], [[Rodolfo Mondolfo]], [[Giovanni Gentile]], and most importantly, [[Benedetto Croce]], possibly the most widely respected Italian intellectual of his day. Labriola especially propounded a brand of [[Hegelian]] Marxism that he labelled "philosophy of [[praxis (process)|praxis]]".{{sfn|Hoare|Smith|1971|p=xxi}} Although Gramsci later used this phrase to escape the prison censors, his relationship with this current of thought was ambiguous throughout his life.

From 1914 onward, Gramsci's writings for socialist newspapers such as ''Il Grido del Popolo'' ({{ill|The Cry of the People|it|Il Grido del Popolo}}) earned him a reputation as a notable journalist. In 1916 he became co-editor of the [[Piedmont]] edition of  [[Avanti! (Italian newspaper)|''Avanti!'']], the Socialist Party official organ. An articulate and prolific writer of political theory, Gramsci proved a formidable commentator, writing on all aspects of Turin's social and political events.{{sfn|Hoare|Smith|1971|p=xxx}} Gramsci was at this time also involved in the education and organisation of Turin workers; he spoke in public for the first time in 1916 and gave talks on topics such as [[Romain Rolland]], the [[French Revolution]], the [[Paris Commune]], and [[Feminism|the emancipation of women]]. In the wake of the arrest of Socialist Party leaders that followed the revolutionary riots in August 1917, Gramsci became one of Turin's leading socialists; he was elected to the party's provisional committee and also made editor of ''Il Grido del Popolo''.{{sfn|Hoare|Smith|1971|pp=xxx–xxxi}}

In April 1919, with Togliatti, [[Angelo Tasca]] and [[Umberto Terracini]], Gramsci set up the weekly newspaper ''[[L'Ordine Nuovo]]'' (The New Order). In October of the same year, despite being divided into various hostile factions, the PSI moved by a large majority to join the [[Third International]]. [[Vladimir Lenin]] saw the ''L'Ordine Nuovo'' group as closest in orientation to the [[Bolsheviks]], and it received his backing against the anti-parliamentary programme of a [[left communist]], [[Amadeo Bordiga]].<ref name=Kolakowski1>{{cite book |date=1978 |title=Leszek Kolakowski – Main Currents of Marxism – Its Rise, Growth and, Dissolution – Volume III – The Breakdown |url=https://archive.org/details/maincurrentsofma00kola/page/223 |publisher=Oxford University Press |pages=[https://archive.org/details/maincurrentsofma00kola/page/223 223] |isbn=978-0-19-824570-4 }}</ref>

In the course of tactical debates within the party, Gramsci's group mainly stood out due to its advocacy of [[workers' council]]s, which had come into existence in Turin spontaneously during the large strikes of 1919 and 1920. For Gramsci, these councils were the proper means of enabling workers to take control of the task of organising production, and saw them as preparing "the whole class for the aims of conquest and government".<ref>{{cite book |last=Steven |first=Mark |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Fn-FEAAAQBAJ |title=Class War: A Literary History |date=9 May 2023 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-83976-069-3 |pages=[https://books.google.com/books?id=Fn-FEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA197 197]}}</ref> Although he believed his position at this time to be in keeping with Lenin's policy of "All Power to the Soviets",<ref>{{cite book | last=Femia | first=J. | title=The Machiavellian Legacy: Essays in Italian Political Thought |location = London | publisher=Palgrave Macmillan | year=1998 | isbn=978-0-230-37992-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KOmGDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA107 | access-date=2023-03-02 | page=107}}</ref> his stance that these Italian councils were [[communist]] rather than just one organ of political struggle against the bourgeoisie, was attacked by Bordiga for betraying a [[syndicalist]] tendency influenced by the thought of [[Georges Sorel]] and [[Daniel De Leon]]. By the time of the defeat of the Turin workers in spring 1920, Gramsci was almost alone in his defence of the councils.