Editing Antiochus XI Epiphanes (section)

===Epithets and royal image===

[[Hellenistic period|Hellenistic]] monarchs did not use [[regnal number]]s but usually employed epithets to distinguish themselves from other kings with similar names; the numbering of kings is mostly a modern practice.{{sfn|McGing|2010|p= [https://books.google.com/books?id=D8kjH-4ehf4C&pg=247 247]}}{{sfn|Hallo|1996|p= [https://books.google.com/books?id=SbsEtMon-dEC&pg=PA142 142]}} On his coins, Antiochus{{nbs}}XI appeared with the epithets ''Epiphanes'' (God Manifest) and ''Philadelphus'' (Brother-Loving).{{sfn|Newell|1917|p=115}}{{sfn|Dąbrowa|2011|p= 225}} Epiphanes served to emphasize Antiochus{{nbs}}XI's paternity as a son of Antiochus{{nbs}}VIII, who bore the same epithet;{{sfn|Houghton|Lorber|Hoover|2008|p= 574}} while ''Philadelphus'' was probably a sign of respect to Seleucus{{nbs}}VI and Philip{{nbs}}I.{{#tag:ref|The historian [[Alfred von Gutschmid]] suggested that whenever a Hellenistic king assumed the epithet Philadelphus, it meant that he had been asked by his reigning brother to share the throne.{{sfn|Muccioli|1994|p=402}} In the case of Antiochus{{nbs}}XI and Philip{{nbs}}I, since both used the epithet, von Gutschmid considered it an exception of the rule. He suggested that the brothers assumed their epithet to legitimize their claim to the throne, which was contested by the line of Antiochus{{nbs}}IX, by emphasizing their relation to their brother, the former king Seleucus{{nbs}}VI. Von Gutschmid's arguments were criticized by many scholars, especially {{ill|Annibale Evaristo Breccia|it|lt=Evaristo Breccia}},{{sfn|Muccioli|1994|p=403}} who considered the epithet a homage to Seleucus{{nbs}}VI and an affirmation of the fraternal concord between Antiochus{{nbs}}XI and Philip{{nbs}}I.{{sfn|Muccioli|1994|p=415}}|group=note}}{{sfn|Coloru|2015|p= 177}} The beard sported by Antiochus{{nbs}}XI on his jugate coins from Tarsus is probably a sign of mourning and the intention to avenge Seleucus{{nbs}}VI's death.{{sfn|Houghton|Lorber|Hoover|2008|p= 575}}{{sfn|Hoover|Houghton|Veselý|2008|p= 207}} The last issue of Antiochus{{nbs}}XI from Antioch depicts him beardless, highlighting that the [[Antiochus XI Epiphanes#Avenging Seleucus VI and taking the capital|vow was fulfilled]].{{sfn|Houghton|Lorber|Hoover|2008|p= 578}}
[[File:Antiochus XI.jpg|thumb|Portrait of Antiochus XI exemplifying the [[tryphé]] tradition]]

Drawing his legitimacy from his father, Antiochus XI appeared on his coinage with an exaggerated hawked nose, in the likeness of Antiochus{{nbs}}VIII.{{sfn|Wright|2011|pp= 45, 46}} The iconography of Antiochus{{nbs}}XI's portrait was part of the ''[[tryphé]]''-king tradition, heavily used by Antiochus{{nbs}}VIII.{{#tag:ref|An engraved gem is kept by the [[Museum of Fine Arts, Boston]]. Its accession number is 13.244. Its style resembles the style used for Antiochus{{nbs}}XI's portraits; the gem could be depicting him, or his brother Demetrius{{nbs}}III.{{sfn|Plantzos|1999|pp=55, 116}} Such portraits on [[Engraved gem|intaglio]]s served a function parallel but different from the portraits depicted on coins. Both portraits emphasized the characters of the monarch they depicted,{{sfn|Plantzos|1999|p=62}} but while coin portraits were means of guaranteeing value and genuineness, and thus followed standardized models, aimed at delivering a political message of continuity which signified the king's dynastic connections and his prowess as a monarch, gem portraits did not follow the standards used for coinage,{{sfn|Plantzos|1999|p=42}} and served a more private purpose, depicting the ruler in a more delicate manner.{{sfn|Plantzos|1999|p=62}} Gems bearing royal portraits and cut under direct royal auspice served many functions; they were probably used as personal gifts to followers and foreign ambassadors, and bearers of royal intaglios indicated their loyalty to the king, or his memory, by using his portrait as their [[Seal (emblem)#Signet rings|signet]].{{sfn|Plantzos|1999|p=111}}|group=note}} The ruler's portrait express ''tryphé'' (luxury and magnificence), where his unattractive features and stoutness are emphasized.{{#tag:ref|Gluttony and corpulence were a sign of a monarch's wealth in Hellenistic art. Many kings were depicted with double chins and fleshy faces.{{sfn|Bradley|2011|p=23}}|group=note}} The tradition of ''tryphé'' images started in Egypt, and was later adopted in Syria. The [[Ancient Rome|Romans]] considered the ''tryphé'' portraits as evidence of the degeneracy and decadence of Hellenistic kings; the softness depicted in the portraits was seen as a sign of the rulers' incompetence, a way to explain the decline of the Hellenistic dynasties. However, the Roman view is not factual; those images were an intentional policy in a kingdom ravaged by civil war. Most late Seleucid monarchs, including Antiochus{{nbs}}XI, spent their reigns fighting, causing havoc in their lands. The image of a warrior king on coins, as was customary for Hellenistic [[Greco-Bactrian Kingdom|Bactrian]] kings for example, would have alienated the already impoverished population suffering the consequences of war. The people needed peace and copiousness, and the ''tryphé'' portrait was an attempt to imply that the king and his people were living a pleasurable life. By employing the ''tryphé'' image, Antiochus{{nbs}}XI suggested that he would be a successful and popular king like his father.{{#tag:ref|Evidence that the Roman conception of the meaning of ''tryphé'' portraits was incorrect, includes the iconography of [[Seleucia Pieria]]'s [[Tyche]] ([[tutelary deity]]) during the reign of Antiochus{{nbs}}VIII. The goddess's features resemble those of the king. If ''tryphé'' was a sign of degeneration, then it would have never been used to portray a deity.{{sfn|Fleischer|1996|p= 36}}|group=note}}{{sfn|Fleischer|1996|p= 36}}