Editing Amadeo I of Spain (section)

=== First year ===
[[File:Amadeo_I,_rey_de_España.jpg|thumb|Amadeo I, King of Spain.]]

==== Government of General Serrano: The Failure of "Conciliation" ====
Following Prim's assassination, a “conciliation” government formed at his deathbed request under [[Juan Bautista Topete|Admiral Topete]], soon transitioning to [[Francisco Serrano, 1st Duke of la Torre|General Serrano]], a [[Liberal Union (Spain)|Unionist]] who had served as regent from 1869 until Amadeo's arrival.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=147}} Amadeo proposed Serrano as President of the Council of Ministers to unify the monarchist-democratic coalition backing his throne. Serrano assembled a diverse cabinet: Progressives [[Práxedes Mateo Sagasta|Sagasta]] (Minister of the Interior) and [[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla|Ruiz Zorrilla]] (Public Works), monarchist Democrat or “''{{Interlanguage link|Cimbrios|es|Cimbrios (política)}}''” [[Cristino Martos y Balbí|Cristino Martos]] (Justice), and Unionist [[Adelardo López de Ayala y Herrera|Adelardo López de Ayala]] (Overseas Territories). This mix aimed to bridge factions supporting the new dynasty.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=74-75}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=41}}

[[File:Virgen y mártir.jpg|left|thumb|Caricature by [[Francisco Ortego]], ¡¡¡¡Virgen y mártir!!!!, published in {{Interlanguage link|Gil Blas (Madrid)|es|Gil Blas}}, May 28, 1871, mocking the fate of the Constitution under Serrano's government.]]

Serrano's administration, viewed by some as transitional, prioritized the [[1871 Spanish general election|first elections]] under Amadeo to secure a strong coalition majority. It enacted an electoral law reverting to district-based voting, abandoning the Progressives’ provincial constituencies from 1869. This shift enabled the government to exert “moral influence” in rural areas, ensuring a victory of 235 seats—approximately 130 Progressives, over 80 “borderline” or “Aostist” Unionists loyal to Amadeo, and about 20 monarchist Democrats. However, opposition forces—52 Republicans advocating a federal republic, 51 Carlists pushing traditional monarchy, and 18 [[Moderate Party (Spain)|Moderates]]—gained significant representation. Dissident Unionists under [[Antonio de los Ríos Rosas|Ríos Rosas]], backing the [[List of counts and dukes of Montpensier|Duke of Montpensier]], and [[Antonio Cánovas del Castillo]], supporting Prince [[Alfonso XII|Alfonso of Bourbon]], secured 7 and 9 seats, respectively. This opposition's strength magnified the governing coalition's internal fragility.{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|pp=41-42}}{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=152}}

As Serrano's government and the Cortes tackled the Constitution's democratic principles—such as establishing [[Jury|juries]], [[separation of church and state]], abolishing {{Interlanguage link|Quintos (Spain)|es|Quintos}} (military conscription), and addressing the [[Ten Years’ War|war]] and slavery in [[Cuba]]—tensions surfaced. Unionists and Sagasta's Progressives argued that crowning the Constitution with the [[Savoy]] dynasty required preserving order, while Ruiz Zorrilla's Progressives and Democrats insisted on immediate social, economic, and political reforms to consolidate the regime.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=153}} Sagasta, likely echoing Prim's vision, sought conciliation with Serrano's Unionists as a dynastic right (conservative party), positioning himself as leader of the dynastic left (liberal party) and opposing Carlists and Republicans outright. Conversely, Ruiz Zorrilla championed an alliance with Democrats (cimbrios) through a reformist agenda, aiming to integrate Republicans into the monarchy by proving their goals were achievable within it. Sagasta saw this as handing the regime to its enemies, rejecting collaboration with Republicans and distrusting Ruiz Zorrilla's loyalty, thus fracturing the coalition and dooming “conciliation.”{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=148-149}}

==== Opposition to the Monarchy of Amadeo I ====
[[File:Maria Vittoria dal Pozzo with her husband.jpg|left|thumb|King Amadeo and Queen [[Maria Vittoria dal Pozzo]].]]

The high nobility and ecclesiastical hierarchy refused to recognize Amadeo's monarchy, viewing it as the embodiment of the 1868 Revolution that ended [[Isabella II]]’s reign, where they held privilege. They feared it would dismantle their status or pave the way for Republicans and “socialists” opposing property and a confessional state. The nobility adopted a {{Interlanguage link|Casticism|es|Casticismo}} stance, claiming to defend “Spanish values” against the “foreign king,” boycotting the court and snubbing Amadeo, openly loyal to the Bourbons. A notable incident, the “{{Interlanguage link|Rebellion of the Mantillas|es|Rebelión de las Mantillas}},” described by Father [[Luis Coloma]] in {{Interlanguage link|Pequeñeces...|es|Pequeñeces...}}, saw aristocratic women parade in lace mantillas and fleur-de-lis—symbols of [[Restoration (Spain)|Restoration]]—isolating Amadeo and Queen Maria Vittoria in a “court of furrile capes and shopkeepers,” as critics sneered.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=76-78}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|pp=147-148}}

The Church opposed Amadeo as the son of Italy's Victor Emmanuel II, who had stripped Pope Pius IX of the [[Papal States]], resisting [[Freedom of religion|religious freedom]] and measures toward [[Separation of church and state|church-state separation]]. Influenced by the [[Syllabus of Errors]], the hierarchy wielded significant sway over Catholic middle classes and rural parishes, amplifying rejection of the regime.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=76-78}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=148}} Amadeo countered by ennobling industrial and financial bourgeois supporters, but defections grew, especially among those tied to Cuban slavery—threatened by radical abolition plans—and Catalan industrialists opposing the 1869 free trade system, which Radicals upheld.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=78}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=44}}

[[File:La flaca agosto de 1869.JPG|thumb|290x290px|Caricature from {{Interlanguage link|La Flaca (magazine)|es|La Flaca (revista)}}, August 1869, showing [[Neocatólicos|neo-Catholic]] {{Interlanguage link|Cándido Nocedal|es|Cándido Nocedal}} and Carlist [[Carlos de Borbón y Austria-Este|Carlos VII]].]]

The Carlists, thriving since 1868 beyond their Basque, Catalan, and Valencian strongholds, backed [[Carlos de Borbón y Austria-Este|Carlos VII]], grandson of [[Infante Carlos María Isidro of Spain|Carlos María Isidro]], seeking a traditional monarchy. Their neo-Catholic wing, led by {{Interlanguage link|Cándido Nocedal|es|Cándido Nocedal}}, pursued a “legal route,” allying with Republicans in 1871 elections to win 51 deputies and 21 senators. Amadeo's election irked them, though Nocedal restrained uprisings until September 1871.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=78}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=45}} Republicans, rejecting monarchy entirely, pushed for a [[Federation|Federal Republic]], inspired by France's [[Second French Empire|Second Empire]] fall. The [[Federal Democratic Republican Party|Federal Republican Party]] united diverse factions—property defenders, “socialists,” and federalists like [[Francesc Pi i Margall|Francisco Pi y Margall]] and [[Nicolás Salmerón y Alonso|Nicolás Salmerón]]—split between legalists open to Radical cooperation and insurrectionists favoring revolt.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=78-80}}

==== First Government of Ruiz Zorrilla: Division of the Progressives ====
[[File:Madrid - La première revue passée à Madrid par le roi Amédée, en l'honneur du prince Humbert (D'après le croquis de M. Urrabieta).jpg|thumb|Amadeo I reviewing troops in Madrid, September 1871, by [[Daniel Vierge]].]]

On July 15, 1871, radical ministers—[[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]], [[Cristino Martos y Balbí|Cristino Martos]], {{Interlanguage link|José María Beránger|es|José María Beránger}}, and [[Segismundo Moret|Moret]]—resigned from Serrano's “conciliation” government, aiming to end its broad coalition and force a split between conservatives and radicals. King Amadeo I, still favoring unity, reluctantly appointed Ruiz Zorrilla as president on July 24, sidelining both Unionists and Sagasta's Progressives in their plan to sustain the coalition amid regime threats.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=162-168}} Ruiz Zorrilla sought to include [[Práxedes Mateo Sagasta|Sagasta]]’s faction, but Sagasta refused, arguing in Congress that an “exclusive party” policy endangered the monarchy.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=168}}

Ruiz Zorrilla then formed a government of his Progressive faction and Democrats, taking the Interior portfolio himself. The cabinet included [[Eugenio Montero Ríos]] (Justice), General [[Fernando Fernández de Córdova]] (War), [[Servando Ruiz-Gómez y González-Llanos|Servando Ruiz Gómez]] (Finance), {{Interlanguage link|Santiago Diego-Madrazo|es|Santiago Diego-Madrazo}} (Public Works), Tomás María Mosquera (Overseas), and Vice-Admiral {{Interlanguage link|José María Beránger|es|José María Beránger}} (Navy). Martos declined the State Ministry. Presented to the Cortes on July 25, the government's motto—“liberty, morality, civility”—signaled a reformist agenda.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=168-169}}

Tensions escalated when Democrats maneuvered to replace [[Salustiano de Olózaga y Almandoz|Salustiano Olózaga]] as Congress president with their leader [[Nicolás María Rivero]]. Sagasta's Progressives countered by nominating Sagasta, fearing Rivero's republican leanings. On October 1–2, Ruiz Zorrilla and Sagasta met to avert a Progressive split, but Ruiz Zorrilla rejected Sagasta's compromise candidate, prioritizing his radical-Democrat ({{Interlanguage link|Cimbrios|es|Cimbrios (política)}}) alliance over party unity. Sagasta warned, “You stay with the cimbrios and break with your long-standing friends; the consequences will be dire.” On October 3, Sagasta defeated Rivero (123–113) for Congress president, a result Ruiz Zorrilla saw as a no-confidence vote, prompting his resignation.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=172-178}}

Amadeo, returning from a popularity-boosting tour of eastern Spain—including a visit to General [[Baldomero Espartero|Espartero]] in Logroño, who pledged loyalty—refused Ruiz Zorrilla's request to dissolve the Cortes, citing no constitutional basis or formal censure. Sagasta confirmed ongoing support for the July 25 program and urged the king to convince Ruiz Zorrilla to stay, highlighting the government's intact majority.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=179-183}}

==== Malcampo Government: The Failure of the Reunification of the Progressives ====
[[File:José Malcampo, 3rd Marquis of San Rafael.jpg|thumb|[[José Malcampo, 3rd Marquess of San Rafael|José Malcampo]], president, October 5–December 21, 1871.]]

With Ruiz Zorrilla unyielding, Amadeo offered the premiership to Espartero, who declined due to age, then to Sagasta, who suggested [[José Malcampo, 3rd Marquess of San Rafael|José Malcampo]]—a revolutionary naval officer from 1868—to avoid direct confrontation. Malcampo, appointed October 5, was a Progressive seen as non-reactionary due to his role alongside [[Juan Bautista Topete|Topete]] in the Glorious Revolution.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=179-183; 186}} His government, a bridge to Sagasta's eventual leadership on December 21, oversaw the [[Progressive Party (Spain)|Progressive Party]]’s irreparable split into Sagasta's conservative faction, aligned with the [[Liberal Union (Spain)|Liberal Union]], and Ruiz Zorrilla's “democratic progressive” or [[Radical Democratic Party (Spain)|Radical Party]], including Democrats (cimbrios) like Martos and Rivero.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=75-76}}

Sagasta's faction pursued reunification on their “historical” program, prioritizing national sovereignty over individual rights, which the Cortes could regulate for order. Ruiz Zorrilla's group upheld the sanctity of rights, leaving excesses to courts. Malcampo's all-Progressive cabinet—excluding Unionists—retained Ruiz Zorrilla's July 25 program, signaling a transitional intent.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=196-199}} However, “Zorrillists” declared Ruiz Zorrilla their “active head” (Espartero as “passive head”), betting on reforms to align the monarchy with the people and win Republican support. Sagasta's Progressives responded by forming their own party board on October 20, formalizing the divide. Reconciliation efforts by figures like [[Ángel Fernández de los Ríos]] failed, with elders like Olózaga and Espartero favoring Sagasta.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=184-199}}

==== Debate on Illegalizing the Spanish IWA ====
[[File:FRE-AIT.svg|thumb|Emblem of the Spanish [[International Workingmen's Association|IWA]].]]

Malcampo sought to prove the monarchy's firmness by proposing to outlaw the [[Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA|Spanish IWA]], founded in 1870, amid fears sparked by the [[Paris Commune]] (March–May 1871). Unionists, Sagasta's Progressives, and Carlists backed the ban, viewing the IWA as a threat, while Republicans opposed it, defending [[freedom of association]]. Ruiz Zorrilla's faction, torn between supporting rights and avoiding a “disorder” label, abstained, missing a chance for unity. On November 10, the Cortes voted 192–38 to ban the IWA, but the Supreme Court's prosecutor blocked enforcement, citing constitutional protections, allowing the IWA to persist.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=201-204}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=368}}

==== Vote of No Confidence and Municipal Elections ====
On November 13, Radicals moved a no-confidence vote against Malcampo, dubbed a “pirate ministry” for alleged corruption, aiming to preempt elections. Carlists joined with a religious motion, but on November 17, Malcampo's 127 supporters (Sagasta's Progressives and Unionists) lost to 166 opposition votes (Radicals, Republicans, Carlists). Amadeo suspended the Cortes, avoiding resignation, citing the radical-anti-dynastic alliance as a scandal.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=204-212}} In the December 9 municipal elections, Radicals allied with Republicans, claiming 400 of 600 key municipalities against Malcampo's 200, though the government won 25 of 47 provincial capitals. High abstention (40–50%) muddied results, and Amadeo rejected Ruiz Zorrilla's bid for power.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=212-216}}

End of Malcampo's Government
Facing Cortes reopening, Malcampo resigned December 19, seeing no path to Progressive unity. Amadeo appointed Sagasta on December 21, honoring parliamentary norms as Congress president succeeded a resigning premier without constitutional breach.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=216-220}}{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=76}}