Editing 2000 Camp David Summit (section)

===Territory===
The Palestinian negotiators indicated they wanted full Palestinian sovereignty over the entire [[West Bank]] and the [[Gaza Strip]], although they would consider a one-to-one land swap with Israel. Their historic position was that Palestinians had already made a territorial compromise with Israel by accepting Israel's right to 78% of "historic Palestine", and accepting their state on the remaining 22% of such land. This consensus was expressed by [[Faisal Husseini]] when he remarked: "There can be no compromise on the compromise".<ref>Oren Yiftachel, [https://books.google.com/books?id=VD082HtsKRsC&pg=PA75 ''Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine,''] University of Pennsylvania Press 1006 p.75.</ref> They maintained that [[Resolution 242]] calls for full Israeli withdrawal from these territories, which were captured in the [[Six-Day War]], as part of a final peace settlement. In the 1993 [[Oslo Accords]] the Palestinian negotiators accepted the [[Green Line (Israel)|Green Line]] borders (1949 armistice lines) for the West Bank but the Israelis rejected this proposal and disputed the Palestinian interpretation of Resolution 242. Israel wanted to annex the numerous settlement blocks on the Palestinian side of the Green Line, and were concerned that a complete return to the 1967 borders was dangerous to Israel's security. The Palestinian and Israeli definition of the [[West Bank]] differs by approximately 5% land area as the Israeli definition does not include [[East Jerusalem]] (71&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup>), the territorial waters of the [[Dead Sea]] (195&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup>) and the area known as No Man's Land (50&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup> near [[Latrun]]).<ref name=Pressman_visions/>

Based on the Israeli definition of the West Bank, Barak offered to form a [[Palestinian state]] initially on 73% of the West Bank (that is, 27% less than the Green Line borders) and 100% of the Gaza Strip. In 10–25 years, the Palestinian state would expand to a maximum of 92% of the West Bank (91 percent of the West Bank and 1 percent from a land swap).<ref name=Pressman_visions/><ref>{{cite book |first=Efraim |last=Karsh |author-link=Efraim Karsh |title=Arafat's War: The Man and His Battle for Israeli Conquest |publisher=Grove Press |year=2003 |page=168}}</ref> From the Palestinian perspective this equated to an offer of a Palestinian state on a maximum of 86% of the West Bank.<ref name=Pressman_visions/>

According to [[Robert Wright (journalist)|Robert Wright]], Israel would only keep the settlements with large populations. Wright states that all others would be dismantled, with the exception of [[Kiryat Arba]] (adjacent to the holy city of [[Hebron]]), which would be an Israeli [[enclave]] inside the Palestinian state, and would be linked to Israel by a bypass road. The West Bank would be split in the middle by an Israeli-controlled road from Jerusalem to the [[Dead Sea]], with free passage for Palestinians, although Israel reserved the right to close the road to passage in case of emergency. In return, Israel would allow the Palestinians to use a highway in the Negev to connect the West Bank with Gaza. Wright states that in the Israeli proposal, the West Bank and Gaza Strip would be linked by an elevated highway and an elevated railroad running through the [[Negev]], ensuring safe and free passage for Palestinians. These would be under the sovereignty of Israel, and Israel reserved the right to close them to passage in case of emergency.<ref name="Slate Article">{{cite news|last=Wright|first=Robert|title=Was Arafat the Problem?|url=http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/the_earthling/2002/04/wasarafat_the_problem.single.html|access-date=27 December 2011|newspaper=Slate|date=18 April 2002}}</ref>

Israel would retain around 9% in the West Bank in exchange for 1% of land within the Green Line. The land that would be conceded included symbolic and cultural territories such as the [[Qibli Mosque|Al-Aqsa Mosque]], whereas the Israeli land conceded was unspecified. Additional to territorial concessions, Palestinian airspace would be controlled by Israel under Barak's offer.<ref name="Slate Article"/><ref name=tragedy_errors_p3>Robert Malley and Hussein Agha, [http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2001/aug/09/camp-david-the-tragedy-of-errors/?page=3 ''Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors''] (part 4). New York Review of Books, 9 August 2001.</ref> The Palestinians rejected the Halutza Sand region (78&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup>) alongside the Gaza Strip as part of the land swap on the basis that it was of inferior quality to that which they would have to give up in the West Bank.<ref name=Pressman_visions/>