Editing Æthelstan (section)

== Reign ==
=== The struggle for power ===
Edward died at [[Farndon, Cheshire|Farndon]] in northern Mercia on 17 July 924, and the ensuing events are unclear.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|p=17}} Ælfweard, Edward's eldest son by Ælfflæd, had ranked above Æthelstan in attesting a charter in 901, and Edward may have intended Ælfweard to be his successor as king, either of Wessex only or of the whole kingdom. If Edward had intended his realms to be divided after his death, his deposition of Ælfwynn in Mercia in 918 may have been intended to prepare the way for Æthelstan's succession as king of Mercia.{{Sfnm|1a1=Keynes|1y=2001|1p=51|2a1=Charles-Edwards|2y=2013|2p=510}} When Edward died, Æthelstan was apparently with him in Mercia, while Ælfweard was in Wessex. Mercia acknowledged Æthelstan as king, and Wessex may have chosen Ælfweard. However, Ælfweard outlived his father by only sixteen days.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1p=17|2a1=Keynes|2y=2014|2pp=535–536|3a1=Keynes|3y=1985|3p=187 n. 206}}

Even after Ælfweard's death there seems to have been opposition to Æthelstan in Wessex, particularly in Winchester, where Ælfweard was buried. At first Æthelstan behaved as a Mercian king. A charter relating to land in Derbyshire, which appears to have been issued at a time in 925 when his authority had not yet been recognised outside Mercia, was witnessed only by Mercian bishops.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=73–74|2a1=Keynes|2y=1999|2pp=467–468}} In the view of historians [[David Dumville]] and Janet Nelson he may have agreed not to marry or have heirs in order to gain acceptance.{{Sfnm|1a1=Dumville|1y=1992|1p=151|2a1=Nelson|2y=1999b|2p=104}} However, Sarah Foot ascribes his decision to remain unmarried to "a religiously motivated determination on chastity as a way of life".{{Sfn|Foot|2011|p=249}}{{Efn|An allusion in the twelfth-century [[Liber Eliensis]] to "Eadgyth, daughter of king Æthelstan" is probably a mistaken reference to his sister.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|p=59}} }}

Æthelstan's [[coronation]] took place on 4 September 925 at [[Kingston upon Thames]], perhaps due to its symbolic location on the border between Wessex and Mercia.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|pp=73–74}} He was crowned by the [[Archbishop of Canterbury]], [[Athelm]], who probably designed or organised a new ''ordo'' (religious order of service) in which the king wore a crown for the first time instead of a helmet. The new ''ordo'' was influenced by [[West Francia|West Frankish]] liturgy and in turn became one of the sources of the medieval French ''ordo''.{{Sfn|Nelson|2008|pp=125–126}}

Opposition seems to have continued even after the coronation. According to William of Malmesbury, an otherwise unknown nobleman called Alfred plotted to blind Æthelstan on account of his supposed illegitimacy, although it is unknown whether he aimed to make himself king or was acting on behalf of Edwin, Ælfweard's younger brother. Blinding would have been a sufficient disability to render Æthelstan ineligible for kingship without incurring the odium attached to murder.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|p=40}} Tensions between Æthelstan and Winchester seem to have continued for some years. The [[Bishop of Winchester]], [[Frithestan]], did not attend the coronation or witness any of Æthelstan's known charters until 928. After that, he witnessed fairly regularly until his resignation in 931 but was listed in a lower position than he was entitled to by his seniority.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=75, 83 n. 98|2a1=Thacker|2y=2001|2pp=254–255}}

In 933 Edwin was drowned in a shipwreck in the North Sea. His cousin, [[Adelolf, Count of Boulogne]], took his body for burial at the [[Abbey of Saint Bertin]] in [[Saint-Omer]]. According to the abbey's annalist, Folcuin{{Emdash}}who wrongly believed that Edwin had been king {{Emdash}} thought he had fled England "driven by some disturbance in his kingdom". Folcuin stated that Æthelstan sent alms to the abbey for his dead brother and received monks from the abbey graciously when they came to England, although Folcuin did not realise that Æthelstan died before the monks made the journey in 944. The twelfth century chronicler [[Symeon of Durham]] said that Æthelstan ordered Edwin to be drowned, but this is dismissed by most historians.{{Efn|An exception is George Molyneaux, who states that "There are, however, grounds to suspect that Æthelstan may have had a hand in the death of Ælfweard's full brother Edwin in 933".{{Sfn|Molyneaux|2015|p=29}} }} Edwin might have fled England after an unsuccessful rebellion against his brother's rule, and his death may have put an end to Winchester's opposition.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=39–43, 86–87|2a1=Stenton|2y=1971|2pp=355–356}}

=== King of the English ===
[[File:British Isles 10th century.svg|thumb|upright=1.3|Map of the British Isles in the early tenth century]]

Edward the Elder had conquered the Danish territories in east Mercia and East Anglia with the assistance of Æthelflæd and her husband Æthelred, but when Edward died the Danish king [[Sihtric Cáech|Sihtric]] still ruled the Viking Kingdom of York (formerly the southern Northumbrian kingdom of [[Deira]]). In January 926, Æthelstan arranged for his only full sister to marry Sihtric. The two kings agreed not to invade each other's territories or to support each other's enemies. The following year Sihtric died, and Æthelstan seized the chance to invade.{{Efn|Some historians believe that Sihtric renounced his wife soon after the marriage and reverted to paganism,{{Sfnm|1a1=Hart|1y=2004|2a1=Thacker|2y=2001|2p=257}} while others merely state that Æthelstan took advantage of Sihtric's death to invade.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1p=18|2a1=Stenton|2y=1971|2p=340|3a1=Miller|3y=2014|3p=18}} In the view of Alex Woolf, it is unlikely that Sihtric repudiated her because Æthelstan would almost certainly have declared war on him.{{Sfn|Woolf|2007|pp=150–151}} }} [[Gofraid ua Ímair|Guthfrith]], a cousin of Sihtric, led a fleet from [[Dublin]] to try to take the throne, but Æthelstan easily prevailed. He captured York and received the submission of the Danish people. According to a southern chronicler, he "succeeded to the kingdom of the Northumbrians", and it is uncertain whether he had to fight Guthfrith.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|pp=12–19, 48}} Southern kings had never ruled the north, and his usurpation was met with outrage by the Northumbrians, who had always resisted southern control. However, at [[Eamont Bridge|Eamont]], near [[Penrith, Cumbria|Penrith]], on 12 July 927, King Constantine II of [[Kingdom of Alba|Alba]], King [[Hywel Dda]] of Deheubarth, Ealdred of Bamburgh, and [[Owen I of Strathclyde|King Owain of Strathclyde]] (or Morgan ap Owain of Gwent){{Efn|According to William of Malmesbury it was Owain of Strathclyde who was present at Eamont, but the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle says Owain of Gwent. It could have been both.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1p=162 n. 15|2a1=Woolf|2y=2007|2p=151|3a1=Charles-Edwards|3y=2013|3pp=511–512}} }} accepted Æthelstan's overlordship. His triumph led to seven years of peace in the north.{{Sfnm|1a1=Higham|1y=1993|1p=190|2a1=Foot|2y=2011|2p=20}}

Whereas Æthelstan was the first English king to achieve lordship over northern Britain, he inherited his authority over the Welsh kings from his father and aunt. In the 910s Gwent acknowledged the lordship of Wessex, and Deheubarth and Gwynedd accepted that of Æthelflæd; following Edward's takeover of Mercia, they transferred their allegiance to him. According to William of Malmesbury, after the meeting at Eamont Æthelstan summoned the Welsh kings to Hereford, where he imposed a heavy annual tribute and fixed the border between England and Wales in the Hereford area at the River Wye.{{Sfnm|1a1=Stenton|1y=1971|1pp=340–41|2a1=Foot|2y=2011|2p=163}}{{Efn|William of Malmesbury's report of the Hereford meeting is not mentioned in the first volume of the Oxford History of Wales, ''Wales and the Britons 350–1064'' by Thomas Charles-Edwards.{{Sfn|Charles-Edwards|2013|pp=510–519}} }} The dominant figure in Wales was Hywel Dda of Deheubarth, described by the historian of early medieval Wales [[Thomas Charles-Edwards]] as "the firmest ally of the 'emperors of Britain' among all the kings of his day". Welsh kings attended Æthelstan's court between 928 and 935 and witnessed charters at the head of the list of laity (apart from the kings of Scotland and Strathclyde), showing that their position was regarded as superior to that of the other great men present. The alliance produced peace between Wales and England, and within Wales, lasting throughout Æthelstan's reign, though some Welsh resented the status of their rulers as under-kings, as well as the high level of tribute imposed upon them. In ''[[Armes Prydein|Armes Prydein Vawr]]'' (The Great Prophecy of Britain), a Welsh poet foresaw the day when the British would rise up against their Saxon oppressors and drive them into the sea.{{Sfn|Charles-Edwards|2013|pp=497–523}}

According to William of Malmesbury, after the Hereford meeting Æthelstan went on to expel the Cornish from [[Exeter]], fortify its walls, and fix the Cornish boundary at the [[River Tamar]]. This account is regarded sceptically by historians, however, as Cornwall had been under English rule since the mid-ninth century. Thomas Charles-Edwards describes it as "an improbable story", while historian John Reuben Davies sees it as the suppression of a British revolt and the confinement of the Cornish beyond the Tamar. Æthelstan emphasised his control by establishing a new [[Bishop of Cornwall|Cornish see]] and appointing its [[Conan of Cornwall|first bishop]], but Cornwall kept its own culture and language.{{Sfnm|1a1=Charles-Edwards|1y=2013|1p=432|2a1=Davies|2y=2013|2pp=342–343|3a1=Foot|3y=2011|3p=164|4a1=Stenton|4y=1971|4pp=341–342}}

[[File:Silver penny of King Aethestan (YORYM 2000 623) obverse.jpg|thumb|Silver penny of King Æthelstan]]

Æthelstan became the first king of all the Anglo-Saxon peoples, and in effect overlord of Britain.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|p=20}}{{Efn|The situation in northern Northumbria, however, is unclear. In the view of [[Ann Williams (historian)|Ann Williams]], the submission of Ealdred of Bamburgh was probably nominal, and it is likely that he acknowledged Constantine as his lord, but Alex Woolf sees Ealdred as a semi-independent ruler acknowledging West Saxon authority, like Æthelred of Mercia a generation earlier.{{Sfnm|1a1=Williams|1y=1991c|1pp=116–117|2a1=Woolf|2y=2007|2p=158}} }} His successes inaugurated what [[John Maddicott]], in his history of the origins of the English Parliament, calls the ''imperial phase'' of English kingship between about 925 and 975, when rulers from Wales and Scotland attended the assemblies of English kings and witnessed their charters.{{Sfn|Maddicott|2010|pp=7–8, 13}} Æthelstan tried to reconcile the aristocracy in his new territory of Northumbria to his rule. He lavished gifts on the minsters of [[Beverley Minster|Beverley]], [[St Mary and St Cuthbert, Chester-le-Street|Chester-le-Street]] and [[York Minster|York]], emphasising his Christianity. He also purchased the vast territory of [[Amounderness]] in Lancashire, and gave it to the [[Archbishop of York]], his most important lieutenant in the region.{{Efn|In the view of Janet Nelson, Æthelstan had limited control over the north-west, and the donation of Amounderness in an area which had recently attracted many Scandinavian immigrants to "a powerful, but far from reliable, local potentate" was "a political gesture rather than a sign of prior control."{{Sfn|Nelson|1999b|pp=116–117}} }} But he remained a resented outsider, and the northern British kingdoms preferred to ally with the pagan Norse of Dublin. In contrast to his strong control over southern Britain, his position in the north was far more tenuous.{{Sfnm|1a1=Higham|1y=1993|1p=192|2a1=Keynes|2y=1999|2p=469}}

=== Invasion of Scotland in 934 ===
{{Main|Æthelstan's invasion of Scotland}}

In 934 Æthelstan invaded Scotland. His reasons are unclear, and historians give alternative explanations. The death of his half-brother Edwin in 933 might have finally removed factions in Wessex opposed to his rule. Guthfrith, the Norse king of Dublin who had briefly ruled Northumbria, died in 934; any resulting insecurity among the Danes would have given Æthelstan an opportunity to stamp his authority on the north. An entry in the ''[[Annals of Clonmacnoise]]'', recording the death in 934 of a ruler who was possibly [[Ealdred I of Bamburgh|Ealdred of Bamburgh]], suggests another possible explanation, a dispute between Æthelstan and Constantine over control of Bamburgh. The ''[[Anglo-Saxon Chronicle]]'' briefly recorded the expedition without explanation, but the twelfth-century chronicler [[John of Worcester]] stated that Constantine had broken his treaty with Æthelstan.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=164–65|2a1=Woolf|2y=2007|2pp=158–165}}

Æthelstan set out on his campaign in May 934, accompanied by four Welsh kings: Hywel Dda of Deheubarth, [[Idwal Foel]] of Gwynedd, Morgan ap Owain of Gwent, and Tewdwr ap Griffri of Brycheiniog. His retinue also included eighteen bishops and thirteen earls, six of whom were Danes from eastern England. By late June or early July he had reached [[Chester-le-Street]], where he made generous gifts to the tomb of St Cuthbert, including a [[Stole (vestment)|stole]] and [[Maniple (vestment)|maniple]] (ecclesiastical garments) originally commissioned by his step-mother Ælfflæd as a gift to Bishop Frithestan of Winchester. The invasion was launched by land and sea. According to Symeon of Durham, his land forces ravaged as far as [[Dunnottar Castle|Dunnottar]] in north-east Scotland, the furthest north that any English army had reached since [[Ecgfrith of Northumbria|Ecgfrith]]'s disastrous invasion in 685, while the fleet raided [[Caithness]], then probably part of the Norse kingdom of Orkney.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=87–88, 122–123, 165–167|2a1=Woolf|2y=2007|2pp=158–166|3a1=Hunter Blair|3y=2003|3p=46}}

No battles are recorded during the campaign, and chronicles do not record its outcome. By September, however, he was back in the south of England at [[Buckingham]], where Constantine witnessed a charter as ''subregulus'', thus acknowledging Æthelstan's overlordship. In 935 a charter was attested by Constantine, Owain of Strathclyde, Hywel Dda, Idwal Foel, and Morgan ap Owain. At Christmas of the same year Owain of Strathclyde was once more at Æthelstan's court along with the Welsh kings, but Constantine was not. His return to England less than two years later would be in very different circumstances.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=88–89|2a1=Woolf|2y=2007|2pp=166–168}}

=== Battle of Brunanburh ===
{{Main|Battle of Brunanburh}}

In 934 [[Olaf Guthfrithson]] succeeded his father Guthfrith as the Norse King of Dublin. The alliance between the Norse and the Scots was cemented by the marriage of Olaf to Constantine's daughter. By August 937 Olaf had defeated his rivals for control of the Viking part of Ireland, and he promptly launched a bid for the former Norse kingdom of York. Individually Olaf and Constantine were too weak to oppose Æthelstan, but together they could hope to challenge the dominance of Wessex. In the autumn they joined with the Strathclyde Britons under Owain to invade England. Medieval campaigning was normally conducted in the summer, and Æthelstan could hardly have expected an invasion on such a large scale so late in the year. He seems to have been slow to react, and an old Latin poem preserved by William of Malmesbury accused him of having "languished in sluggish leisure". The allies plundered English territory while Æthelstan took his time gathering a West Saxon and Mercian army. However, Michael Wood praises his caution, arguing that unlike [[Harold Godwinson|Harold]] in 1066, he did not allow himself to be provoked into precipitate action. When he marched north, the Welsh did not join him, and they did not fight on either side.{{Sfnm|1a1=Higham|1y=1993|1p=193|2a1=Livingston|2y=2011|2pp=13–18, 23|3a1=Wood|3y=1999|3p=166|4a1=Wood|4y=2005|4p=158}}

The two sides met at the [[Battle of Brunanburh]], resulting in an overwhelming victory for Æthelstan, supported by his young half-brother, the future King Edmund. Olaf escaped back to Dublin with the remnant of his forces, while Constantine lost a son. The English also suffered heavy losses, including two of Æthelstan's cousins, sons of Edward the Elder's younger brother, [[Æthelweard (son of Alfred)|Æthelweard]].{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=169–171|2a1=Stenton|2y=1971|2pp=342–343|3a1=Woolf|3y=2007|3pp=168–169|4a1=Smyth|4y=1979|4pp=202–204}}

The battle was reported in the ''[[Annals of Ulster]]'':
<blockquote>A great, lamentable and horrible battle was cruelly fought between the Saxons and the Northmen, in which several thousands of Northmen, who are uncounted, fell, but their king Amlaib [Olaf], escaped with a few followers. A large number of Saxons fell on the other side, but Æthelstan, king of the Saxons, enjoyed a great victory.{{Sfn|Woolf|2007|p=169}}</blockquote>

A generation later, the chronicler [[Æthelweard (historian)|Æthelweard]] reported that it was popularly remembered as "the great battle", and it sealed Æthelstan's posthumous reputation as "victorious because of God" (in the words of the homilist [[Ælfric of Eynsham]]).{{Sfn|Foot|2011|pp=3, 210–211}} The ''Anglo-Saxon Chronicle'' abandoned its usual terse style in favour of a [[Battle of Brunanburh (poem)|heroic poem vaunting the great victory]], employing imperial language to present Æthelstan as ruler of an empire of Britain.{{Sfn|Foot|2008|p=144}} The site of the battle is uncertain, however, and over thirty sites have been suggested, with [[Bromborough]] on the [[Wirral Peninsula|Wirral]] the most favoured among historians.{{Sfnm|1a1=Foot|1y=2011|1pp=172–179|2a1=Scragg|2y=2014|2p=58|3a1=Higham|3y=1993|3p=193|4a1=Hill|4y=2004|4pp=139–153|5a1=Livingston|5y=2011|5pp=18–20}}

Historians disagree over the significance of the battle. [[Alex Woolf]] describes it as a "[[pyrrhic victory]]" for Æthelstan: the campaign seems to have ended in a stalemate, his power appears to have declined, and after he died Olaf acceded to the kingdom of Northumbria without resistance.{{Sfn|Woolf|2013|p=256}} [[Alfred P. Smyth|Alfred Smyth]] describes it as "the greatest battle in Anglo-Saxon history", but he also states that its consequences beyond Æthelstan's reign have been overstated.{{Sfnm|1a1=Smyth|1y=1984|1p=204|2a1=Smyth|2y=1979|2p=63}} In the view of Sarah Foot, on the other hand, it would be difficult to exaggerate the battle's importance: if the Anglo-Saxons had been defeated, their hegemony over the whole mainland of Britain would have disintegrated.{{Sfn|Foot|2011|pp=172–172}}