Editing Ned Kelly (section)

===Controversy over political legacy===
[[File:Melbourne Punch Communism.png|thumb|upright|An 1879 political cartoon titled "Our Rulers", published in ''[[Melbourne Punch]]'', depicts Kelly, Premier [[Graham Berry]], and a personification of ''[[The Age]]'' dancing around the flag of [[communism]].]]
In ''[[Bandits (book)|Bandits]]'' (1969), [[Eric Hobsbawm]] argues that Kelly was a [[social banditry|social bandit]], a type of peasant outlaw and symbol of social rebellion with significant community support.<ref name=":4" /> Expanding on this thesis, McQuilton argues that the Kelly outbreak should be seen in the context of increased poverty in north-eastern Victoria in the 1870s and a conflict over land between [[Selection (Australian history)|selectors]] (mostly small-scale farmers) and [[Squatting (Australian history)|squatters]] (mostly wealthier pastoralists with more political influence).{{Sfn|McQuilton|1987}} Jones, Molony, McQuilton and others argue that Kelly was a political rebel with considerable support among local selectors.{{Sfn|Dawson|2018|p=17-29}} Jones claims that Kelly intended to derail the train at Glenrowan to incite a rebellion of disaffected selectors and declare a "Republic of North-eastern Victoria".{{sfn|Jones|1995|pp=213, 220–25}} For Jones, a republic is foreshadowed in the Jerilderie Letter and Kelly's references to north-eastern Victoria as "our country", where politicians should not interfere.{{Sfn|Jones|1995|pp=171, 213, 220–25, 246}}

Morrissey argues that McQuilton and Jones have overstated both the economic distress and the level of support for Kelly among selectors.{{Sfn|Morrissey|2015|pp=13–18, 151–56, 181–87}} As for the alleged republican declaration or plan for a political rebellion, Dawson writes that no such document or intention appears in any records, interviews, memoirs or accounts from those connected to the gang or early historians.{{Sfn|Dawson|2018|p=1}} According to [[Mark McKenna (historian)|Mark McKenna]], Kelly's rhetoric in the Jerilderie Letter "may fit the mould of the stereotypical Republican hero", but it remains "simplistic" and "shallow".<ref>{{cite book|last=McKenna|first=Mark|author-link=Mark McKenna (historian)|year=1996|title=The Captive Republic: A History of Republicanism in Australia 1788-1996|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9780521572583|page=123}}</ref> While Kelly often complained of oppression by the police and squatters, rejected the legitimacy of the Victorian government and [[British monarchy]], and evoked [[Irish nationalism|Irish nationalist]] grievances against what he called "the tyrannism of the English yoke", his response manifested as a violent reckoning rather than a clear political program. "It is true that in the Jerilderie Letter Kelly is envisaging a new order of things in his part of the world", writes Morrissey. "Whether it should be called a republic is debateable".{{Sfn|Morrissey|2015|pp=152–58}}{{Sfn|Innes|2008|p=26}}<ref name="gelderweaver"/>

Seal states that in the Jerilderie Letter, Kelly advocates "a rebalancing of the social and economic system of the region": squatter profits will be [[redistribution of income and wealth|redistributed]] to the poor, who, in turn, will form a community guard, rendering the police unnecessary.{{Sfn|Kelly|2012|pp=81-83|ps=. "I wish those men who joined the stock protection society to withdraw their money and give it and as much more to the widows and orphans and poor of Greta district wher [sic] I spent and will again spend many a happy day fearless free and bold, as it only aids the police to procure false witnesses and go whacks with men to steal horses and lag innocent men it would suit them far better to subscribe a sum and give it to the poor of their district and there is no fear of anyone stealing their property for no man could steal their horses without the knowledge of the poor if any man was mean enough to steal their property the poor would rise out to a man and find them if they were on the face of the earth it will always pay a rich man to be liberal with the poor and make as little enemies as he can as he shall find if the poor is on his side he shall loose nothing by it. If they depend in the police they shall be drove to destruction, As they cannot and will not protect them if duffing and bushranging were abolished the police would have to cadge for their living I speak from experience as I have sold horses and cattle innumerable and yet eight head of the culls is all ever was found. I never was interefered with whilst I kept up this successful trade. I give fair warning to all those who has reason to fear me to sell out and give £10 out of every hundred towards the widow and orphan fund and do not attempt to reside in Victoria but as short a time as possible after reading this notice, ...".}}{{sfn|Seal|2011|pp=110–11}}<ref>{{cite book |last=Seal |first=Graham |title=Moral Ecologies: Histories of Conservation, Dispossession and Resistance |publisher=Springer International Publishing |year=2019 |isbn=9783030061128 |editor-last1=Griffin |editor-first1=Carl J. |pages=228–230 |chapter='Fearless, Free and Bold': The Moral Ecology of Kelly Country |editor-last2=Robertson |editor-first2=Iain J. M. |editor-last3=Jones |editor-first3=Roy}}</ref> Morrissey, however, sees the [[social justice]] element of the letter as a traditional call for the rich to help the poor, and argues that Kelly's vision for society is driven by personal vengeance and a desire to consolidate his power through violence and terror.{{Sfn|Morrissey|2015|pp=152-158}}

[[Communism|Communist]] activist [[Ted Hill (Australian communist)|Ted Hill]] states that in the decades after Kelly's execution, his legacy became linked with a "democratic rebellious spirit" that influenced both the working class and leftist intellectuals.<ref>{{cite book |last=Hill |first=Edward Fowler |author-link=Ted Hill (Australian communist) |title=Communism and Australia: Reflections and Reminiscences |publisher=[[Communist Party of Australia]] |year=1989 |isbn=9780909956226 |page=18}}</ref> More recently, some [[far-right]] groups have co-opted Kelly's image to promote their version of a "[[White Australia policy|white Australia]]".<ref>{{cite book |last=Gail |first=Mason |title=Hate Speech and Freedom of Speech in Australia |publisher=Federation Press |year=2007 |isbn=9781862876538 |editor-last1=Gelber |editor-first1=Katharine |page=49 |chapter=The Reconstruction of Hate Language |editor-last2=Stone |editor-first2=Adrienne}}</ref> Kelly has often been characterised by the press as a [[terrorism|terrorist]], particularly in his day and during the [[war on terror]].{{Sfn|Basu|2012|pp=182–187}}