Editing Adolescence (section)

==Culture==
{{See also|Youth culture}}
[[File:Shibuya Gal (3).jpg|thumb|upright|[[109 (department store)|Shibuya 109]] {{transliteration|en|Hepburn|''gyaru''}} store staff from the Japanese brand ''Golds Infinity'' in 2010. ''Gyaru'' is a fashion style popular with youth.]]
There are certain characteristics of adolescent development that are more rooted in culture than in human biology or cognitive structures. Culture has been defined as the "symbolic and behavioral inheritance received from the past that provides a community framework for what is valued".<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=J.V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=807|author2=Lerner, R.M.|author3=Finkelstein, J.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059|url-access=registration}}</ref> Culture is learned and socially shared, and it affects all aspects of an individual's life.<ref name="Lerner 2001 807">{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=807|author2=Rosenberg, Richard M.|author3=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059|url-access=registration}}</ref> Social responsibilities, sexual expression, and belief system development, for instance, are all things that are likely to vary by culture. Furthermore, distinguishing characteristics of youth, including dress, music and other uses of media, employment, art, food and beverage choices, recreation, and language, all constitute a [[youth culture]].<ref name="Lerner 2001 807"/> For these reasons, culture is a prevalent and powerful presence in the lives of adolescents, and therefore we cannot fully understand today's adolescents without studying and understanding their culture.<ref name="Lerner 2001 807"/> However, "culture" should not be seen as synonymous with nation or ethnicity. Many cultures are present within any given country and racial or socioeconomic group. Furthermore, to avoid [[ethnocentrism]], researchers must be careful not to define the culture's role in adolescence in terms of their own cultural beliefs.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/271 271]|author2=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/271}}</ref>

In his short book "The Teenage Consumer" published in July 1959, the British market research pioneer Mark Abrams identified the emergence of a new economic group of people aged 13–25. Compared to children, people in this age range had more money, more discretion on how they chose to spend it, and greater mobility through the advent of the motor car. Compared to adults, people in this age range had fewer responsibilities and therefore made different choices on how to spend their money. These unique characteristics of this new economic group presented challenges and opportunities to advertisers. Mark Abrams coined the term "teenager" to describe this group of consumers aged 13–25.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Abrams |first1=Mark |title=The Teenage Consumer |date=1959 |publisher=London Press Exchange |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j2_qMgEACAAJ}}</ref>

In Britain, teenagers first came to public attention during the Second World War, when there were fears of juvenile delinquency.<ref>Melanie Tebbutt, ''Making Youth: A History of Youth in Modern Britain'' (2016).</ref> By the 1950s, the media presented teenagers in terms of generational rebellion. The exaggerated moral panic among politicians and the older generation was typically belied by the growth in intergenerational cooperation between parents and children. Many working-class parents, enjoying newfound economic security, eagerly took the opportunity to encourage their teens to enjoy more adventurous lives.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Todd |first1=Selina |authorlink1=Selina Todd |last2=Young |first2=Hilary |title=Baby-Boomers to 'Beanstalkers': Making the Modern Teenager in Post-War Britain |journal=Cultural and Social History |date=September 2012 |volume=9 |issue=3 |pages=451–467 |doi=10.2752/147800412X13347542916747 |s2cid=147390707 }}</ref> Schools were falsely portrayed as dangerous blackboard jungles under the control of rowdy kids.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Tisdall | first1 = Laura | year = 2015 | title = Inside the 'blackboard jungle' male teachers and male pupils at English secondary modern schools in fact and fiction, 1950 to 1959 | journal = Cultural and Social History | volume = 12 | issue = 4| pages = 489–507 | doi = 10.1080/14780038.2015.1088265 | doi-access = free }}</ref> The media distortions of the teens as too affluent, and as promiscuous, delinquent, counter-cultural rebels do not reflect the actual experiences of ordinary young adults, particularly young women.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Mills | first1 = Helena | year = 2016 | title = Using the personal to critique the popular: women's memories of 1960s youth | journal = Contemporary British History | volume = 30 | issue = 4| pages = 463–483 | doi = 10.1080/13619462.2016.1206822 | doi-access = free }}</ref>

===Autonomy===
The degree to which adolescents are perceived as autonomous beings varies widely by culture, as do the behaviors that represent this emerging autonomy. Psychologists have identified three main types of [[autonomy]]: emotional independence, behavioral autonomy, and cognitive autonomy.<ref name="Lerner 2001 79">{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/79 79]|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=foreword by Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/79}}</ref> Emotional autonomy is defined in terms of an adolescent's relationships with others, and often includes the development of more mature emotional connections with adults and peers.<ref name="Lerner 2001 79"/> Behavioral autonomy encompasses an adolescent's developing ability to regulate his or her own behavior, to act on personal decisions, and to self-govern. Cultural differences are especially visible in this category because it concerns issues of dating, social time with peers, and time-management decisions.<ref name="Lerner 2001 79"/> Cognitive autonomy describes the capacity for an adolescent to partake in processes of independent reasoning and decision-making without excessive reliance on social validation.<ref name="Lerner 2001 79"/> Converging influences from adolescent cognitive development, expanding social relationships, an increasingly adultlike appearance, and the acceptance of more rights and responsibilities enhance feelings of autonomy for adolescents.<ref name="Lerner 2001 79"/> Proper development of autonomy has been tied to good mental health, high self-esteem, self-motivated tendencies, positive self-concepts, and self-initiating and regulating behaviors.<ref name="Lerner 2001 79"/> Furthermore, it has been found that adolescents' mental health is best when their feelings about autonomy match closely with those of their parents.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Juang |first1=Linda P. |last2=Lerner |first2=Jacqueline V. |last3=McKinney |first3=John P. |last4=von Eye |first4=Alexander |title=The Goodness of Fit in Autonomy Timetable Expectations between Asian-American Late Adolescents and their Parents |journal=International Journal of Behavioral Development |date=December 1999 |volume=23 |issue=4 |pages=1023–1048 |doi=10.1080/016502599383658 |s2cid=54881083 }}</ref>

A questionnaire called the teen timetable has been used to measure the age at which individuals believe adolescents should be able to engage in behaviors associated with autonomy.<ref name="Steinberg, L. 2011">Steinberg, L. (2011). "Adolescence," 9th ed. 292. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.</ref> This questionnaire has been used to gauge differences in cultural perceptions of adolescent autonomy, finding, for instance, that White parents and adolescents tend to expect autonomy earlier than those of Asian descent.<ref name="Steinberg, L. 2011"/> It is, therefore, clear that cultural differences exist in perceptions of adolescent autonomy, and such differences have implications for the lifestyles and development of adolescents. In sub-Saharan African youth, the notions of individuality and freedom may not be useful in understanding adolescent development. Rather, African notions of childhood and adolescent development are relational and interdependent.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Brown |first1=B. Bradford |last2=Larson |first2=Reed W. |last3=Saraswathi |first3=T. S. |title=The World's Youth: Adolescence in Eight Regions of the Globe |date=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-00605-7 |page=69 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PjK6A8NMuCIC&pg=PA69 }}</ref>

===Social roles and responsibilities===
[[File:Frank Duveneck - The Cobbler’s Apprentice.jpg|thumb|Painting of an apprentice [[Shoemaking|cobbler]], 1877. Despite his youthful appearance, he has taken on adult roles – working for pay and smoking tobacco.]]
[[File:Alessandro Allori 003.jpg|thumb|180px|Portrait of a noble girl {{Circa|1571}}]]
The lifestyle of an adolescent in a given culture is profoundly shaped by the roles and responsibilities he or she is expected to assume. The extent to which an adolescent is expected to share family responsibilities is one large determining factor in normative adolescent behavior. For instance, adolescents in certain cultures are expected to contribute significantly to household chores and responsibilities.<ref name="Lerner 2001 115">{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/115 115]|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/115}}</ref> Household chores are frequently divided into self-care tasks and family-care tasks. However, specific household responsibilities for adolescents may vary by culture, family type, and adolescent age.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/116 116]|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/116}}</ref> Some research has shown that adolescent participation in family work and routines has a positive influence on the development of an adolescent's feelings of self-worth, care, and concern for others.<ref name="Lerner 2001 115"/>

In addition to the sharing of household chores, certain cultures expect adolescents to share in their family's financial responsibilities. According to family economic and financial education specialists, adolescents develop sound money management skills through the practices of saving and spending money, as well as through planning ahead for future economic goals.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/44 44]|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/44}}</ref> Differences between families in the distribution of financial responsibilities or provision of [[Allowance (money)|allowance]] may reflect various social background circumstances and intrafamilial processes, which are further influenced by cultural norms and values, as well as by the business sector and market economy of a given society.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|pages=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/44 44–45]|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/44}}</ref> For instance, in many developing countries it is common for children to attend fewer years of formal schooling so that, when they reach adolescence, they can begin working.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Larson |first1=Reed W. |last2=Verma |first2=Suman |title=How children and adolescents spend time across the world: Work, play, and developmental opportunities. |journal=Psychological Bulletin |date=1999 |volume=125 |issue=6 |pages=701–736 |doi=10.1037/0033-2909.125.6.701 |pmid=10589300 }}</ref>

While adolescence is a time frequently marked by participation in the workforce, the number of adolescents in the workforce is much lower now than in years past as a result of increased accessibility and perceived importance of formal higher education.<ref name="National Research Council 2005">National Research Council. (2005). "Growing up global". Washington, DC: National Academy Press.{{page needed|date=October 2022}}</ref> For example, half of all 16-year-olds in China were employed in 1980, whereas less than one fourth of this same cohort were employed in 1990.<ref name="National Research Council 2005"/>

Furthermore, the amount of time adolescents spend on work and leisure activities varies greatly by culture as a result of cultural norms and expectations, as well as various socioeconomic factors. American teenagers spend less time in school or working and more time on leisure activities—which include playing sports, socializing, and caring for their appearance—than do adolescents in many other countries.<ref name="Larson, R. 1990">{{cite journal |author1=Larson R. |author2=Verma S. | year = 1999 | title = How children and adolescents spend time across the world:Work, play, and developmental opportunities | journal = Psychological Bulletin | volume = 125 | issue = 6| pages = 701–736 | pmid = 10589300 | doi=10.1037/0033-2909.125.6.701}}</ref> These differences may be influenced by cultural values of education and the amount of responsibility adolescents are expected to assume in their family or community.

Time management, financial roles, and social responsibilities of adolescents are therefore closely connected with the education sector and processes of career development for adolescents, as well as to cultural norms and social expectations. In many ways, adolescents' experiences with their assumed social roles and responsibilities determine the length and quality of their initial pathway into adult roles.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/101 101]|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059/page/101}}</ref>

===Belief system development===
Adolescence is frequently characterized by a transformation of an adolescent's understanding of the world, the rational direction towards a life course, and the active seeking of new ideas rather than the unquestioning acceptance of adult authority.<ref name="Lerner 2001 577">{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=577|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059|url-access=registration}}</ref> An adolescent begins to develop a unique [[belief system]] through his or her interaction with social, familial, and cultural environments.<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|pages=577–579|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059|url-access=registration}}</ref> While organized religion is not necessarily a part of every adolescent's life experience, youth are still held responsible for forming a set of beliefs about themselves, the world around them, and whatever higher powers they may or may not believe in.<ref name="Lerner 2001 577"/> This process is often accompanied or aided by cultural traditions that intend to provide a meaningful transition to adulthood through a ceremony, ritual, confirmation, or [[rite of passage]].<ref>{{cite book|last=Lerner|first=Jacqueline V.|title=Adolescence in America: an encyclopedia|year=2001|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|isbn=978-1-57607-205-9|page=578|editor=Rosenberg, Richard M.|editor2=Jordan Finkelstein|others=Mark L.|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781576072059|url-access=registration}}</ref>

===Sexuality===
Many cultures define the transition into adultlike sexuality by specific biological or social milestones in an adolescent's life. For example, [[menarche]] (the first menstrual period of a female), or [[semenarche]] (the first ejaculation of a male) are frequent sexual defining points for many cultures. In addition to biological factors, an adolescent's sexual socialization is highly dependent upon whether their culture takes a restrictive or permissive attitude toward teen or premarital sexual activity. In the United States specifically, adolescents are said to have "raging hormones" that drive their sexual desires. These sexual desires are then dramatized regarding [[Adolescent sexuality|teen sex]] and seen as "a site of danger and risk; that such danger and risk is a source of profound worry among adults".<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Fields |first1=Jessica |title=Sexuality Education in the United States: Shared Cultural Ideas across a Political Divide: Sexuality Education in the United States |journal=Sociology Compass |date=January 2012 |volume=6 |issue=1 |pages=1–14 |doi=10.1111/j.1751-9020.2011.00436.x }}</ref> There is little to no normalization regarding teenagers having sex in the U.S., which causes conflict in how adolescents are taught about [[sex education]]. There is a constant debate about whether [[abstinence-only sex education]] or [[comprehensive sex education]] should be taught in schools and this stems back to whether or not the country it is being taught in is permissive or restrictive. Restrictive cultures overtly discourage sexual activity in unmarried adolescents or until an adolescent undergoes a formal rite of passage. These cultures may attempt to restrict sexual activity by separating males and females throughout their development, or through [[Public humiliation|public shaming]] and physical punishment when sexual activity does occur.<ref name="Connolly J 2004"/><ref name="Ford, C. 1951">{{cite book |last1=Ford |first1=Clellan Stearns |last2=Beach |first2=Frank Ambrose |title=Patterns of Sexual Behavior |date=1951 |publisher=Harper |oclc=569957165 }}{{page needed|date=October 2022}}</ref> In less restrictive cultures, there is more tolerance for displays of adolescent sexuality, or of the interaction between males and females in public and private spaces. Less restrictive cultures may tolerate some aspects of adolescent sexuality, while objecting to other aspects. For instance, some cultures find teenage sexual activity acceptable but teenage pregnancy highly undesirable. Other cultures do not object to teenage sexual activity or [[teenage pregnancy]], as long as they occur after marriage.<ref name="ReferenceB">Steinberg, L. (2011). "Adolescence", 9th ed. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.{{page needed|date=October 2022}}</ref> In permissive societies, overt sexual behavior among unmarried teens is perceived as acceptable, and is sometimes even encouraged.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> Regardless of whether a culture is restrictive or permissive, there are likely to be discrepancies in how females versus males are expected to express their sexuality. Cultures vary in how overt this double standard is—in some it is legally inscribed, while in others it is communicated through [[social convention]].<ref>Diamond, L., Savin- Williams, R. (2009). Adolescent Sexuality. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), "Handbook of adolescent psychology" (3rd ed., Vol. 1, pp.&nbsp;479–523). New York: Wiley.</ref> Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth face much discrimination through bullying from those unlike them and may find telling others that they are gay to be a traumatic experience.<ref>Furlong, Andy (2013). "Youth Studies", New York, NY: Routledge.{{page needed|date=October 2022}}</ref> The range of sexual attitudes that a culture embraces could thus be seen to affect the beliefs, lifestyles, and societal perceptions of its adolescents.

===Legal issues, rights and privileges===
{{more citations needed section|date=February 2011}}

====General issues====
[[File:2009-04-13 Cherry Pie sign.jpg|thumb|A sign outside a sex shop reads "Must Be 18 To Enter" in [[Chapel Hill, North Carolina]].]]
Adolescence is a period frequently marked by increased rights and privileges for individuals. While cultural variation exists for legal rights and their corresponding ages, considerable consistency is found across cultures. Furthermore, since the advent of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989 (children here defined as under 18), almost every country in the world (except the U.S. and South Sudan) has legally committed to advancing an anti-discriminatory stance towards young people of all ages. This includes protecting children against unchecked [[child labor]], enrollment in the military, prostitution, and pornography.
In many societies, those who reach a certain age (often 18, though this varies) are considered to have reached the [[age of majority]] and are legally regarded as [[adults]] who are responsible for their actions. People below this age are considered [[Minor (law)|minors]] or children. A person below the age of majority may gain adult rights through [[Emancipation of minors|legal emancipation]].

The [[legal working age]] in Western countries is usually 14 to 16, depending on the number of hours and type of employment under consideration. Many countries also specify a minimum [[school leaving age]], at which a person is legally allowed to leave [[compulsory education]]. This age varies greatly cross-culturally, spanning from 10 to 18, which further reflects the diverse ways formal education is viewed in cultures around the world.

In most democratic countries, a citizen is [[Voting age|eligible to vote]] at age 18. In a minority of countries, the voting age is as low as 16 (for example, Brazil), and at one time was as high as 25 in [[Uzbekistan]].

The [[age of consent]] to sexual activity varies widely between jurisdictions, ranging from 12 to 20 years, as does the [[marriageable age|age at which people are allowed to marry]].<ref name="ageofconsent">{{cite web |url=http://www.ageofconsent.com/ageofconsent.htm |title=Ageofconsent.com |publisher=Ageofconsent.com |access-date=September 15, 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121023184559/http://www.ageofconsent.com/ageofconsent.htm |archive-date=October 23, 2012 }}</ref> Specific legal ages for adolescents that also vary by culture are enlisting in the military, gambling, and the purchase of [[alcoholic beverage|alcohol]], cigarettes or items with parental advisory labels.
The legal coming of age often does not correspond with the sudden realization of autonomy; many adolescents who have legally reached adult age are still dependent on their guardians or peers for emotional and financial support. Nonetheless, new legal privileges converge with shifting social expectations to usher in a phase of heightened independence or social responsibility for most legal adolescents.

====Alcohol and illicit drug use====

=====Prevalence=====
Following a steady decline beginning in the late 1990s up through the mid-2000s and a moderate increase in the early 2010s, illicit drug use among adolescents has roughly plateaued in the U.S. Aside from alcohol, [[marijuana]] is the most commonly indulged drug habit during adolescent years. Data collected by the [[National Institute on Drug Abuse]] shows that between the years of 2015 and 2018, past year marijuana usage among 8th graders declined from 11.8% to 10.5%; among 10th grade students, usage rose from 25.4% to 27.50%; and among 12th graders, usage rose slightly from 34.9% to 35.9%.<ref name="Abuse">{{cite web|url=https://www.drugabuse.gov/trends-statistics/monitoring-future/monitoring-future-study-trends-in-prevalence-various-drugs|title=Monitoring the Future Study: Trends in Prevalence of Various Drugs|last=Abuse|first=National Institute on Drug|website=drugabuse.gov|access-date=July 21, 2019}}</ref> Additionally, while the early 2010s saw a surge in the popularity of [[MDMA]], usage has stabilized with 2.2% of 12th graders using MDMA in the past year in the U.S.<ref name="Abuse"/> The heightened usage of ecstasy most likely ties in at least to some degree with the rising popularity of [[Rave|rave culture]].

One significant contribution to the increase in teenage [[substance abuse]] is an increase in the availability of [[Prescription drug|prescription medication]]. With an increase in the diagnosis of behavioral and attentional disorders for students, taking pharmaceutical drugs such as Vicodin and Adderall for pleasure has become a prevalent activity among adolescents: 9.9% of high school seniors report having abused prescription drugs within the past year.<ref name="Abuse"/>

In the U.S., teenage alcohol use rose in the late 2000s and is currently stable at a moderate level. Out of a polled body of U.S. students age 12–18, 8.2% of 8th graders reported having been on at least one occasion having consumed alcohol within the previous month; for 10th graders, the number was 18.6%, and for 12th graders, 30.2%.<ref name="NIDA">[http://www.drugabuse.gov/publications/drugfacts/high-school-youth-trends] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120930053712/http://www.drugabuse.gov/publications/drugfacts/high-school-youth-trends|date=September 30, 2012}}, National Institute of Drug Abuse. (July 2012). "Drugfacts: High school and youth."</ref> More drastically, cigarette smoking has become a far less prevalent activity among American middle- and high-school students; in fact, a greater number of teens now smoke marijuana than smoke cigarettes, with one recent study showing a respective 23.8% versus 43.6% of surveyed high school seniors.<ref name="NIDA" /> Recent studies have shown that male late adolescents are far more likely to smoke cigarettes rather than females. The study indicated that there was a discernible gender difference in the prevalence of smoking among the students. The finding of the study shows that more males than females began smoking when they were in primary and high schools whereas most females started smoking after high school.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Mudhovozi |first1=Pilot |last2=Mashamba |first2=Tshilidzi |last3=Sodi |first3=Tholene |title=Gender differences in cigarette smoking among university students |journal=African Journal for Physical Health Education, Recreation and Dance |date=1 September 2012 |volume=18 |issue=sup-3 |pages=117–130 |hdl=10520/EJC128326 }}</ref> This may be attributed to recent changing social and political views towards marijuana; issues such as medicinal use and legalization have tended towards painting the drug in a more positive light than historically, while cigarettes continue to be vilified due to associated health risks.

Different drug habits often relate to one another in a highly significant manner. It has been demonstrated that adolescents who drink at least to some degree may be as much as sixteen times more likely than non-drinkers to use illicit drugs.<ref name="Greenblatt">{{cite report |last1=Greenblatt |first1=Janet C. |year=2000 |title=Patterns of Alcohol Use Among Adolescents and Associations with Emotional and Behavioral Problems |id={{ERIC|ED448387}} |citeseerx=10.1.1.365.6700 |publisher=Office of Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration }}</ref>

=====Social influence=====
[[File:Night Life in Cork, Ireland.jpg|thumb|Irish teenagers over 18 hanging around outside a bar. People under 18 are not allowed to drink alcohol outside the home.]]
Peer acceptance and social norms gain a significantly greater hand in directing behavior at the onset of adolescence; as such, the alcohol and illegal drug habits of teens tend to be shaped largely by the substance use of friends and other classmates. In fact, studies suggest that more significantly than actual drug norms, an individual's perception of the illicit drug use by friends and peers is highly associated with his or her own habits in substance use during both middle and high school, a relationship that increases in strength over time.<ref name="Duan et al">{{cite journal|last=Duan|first=L.|author2=Chou, C.|author3=Andreeva, V.|author4=Pentz, M.|title=Trajectories of Peer Social Influences as Long-term Predictors of Drug Use from Early Through Late Adolescence|journal=Journal of Youth and Adolescence|date=July 2009|volume=38|issue=3|pages=454–465|doi=10.1007/s10964-008-9310-y|pmid=19636757|s2cid=24306753}}</ref> Whereas social influences on alcohol use and marijuana use tend to work directly in the short term, peer and friend norms on smoking cigarettes in middle school have a profound effect on one's own likelihood to smoke cigarettes well into high school.<ref name="Duan et al" /> Perhaps the strong correlation between peer influence in middle school and cigarette smoking in high school may be explained by the addictive nature of cigarettes, which could lead many students to continue their smoking habits from middle school into late adolescence.

=====Demographic factors=====
Until mid-to-late adolescence, boys and girls show relatively little difference in drinking motives.<ref name="Kuntsche et al">{{cite journal|last=Kuntsche|first=E.|author2=Knibbe, R.|author3=Gmel, G.|author4=Engels, R.|title=Who drinks and why? A review of socio-demographic, personality, and contextual issues behind the drinking motives in young people|journal=Addictive Behaviors|year=2006|volume=31|issue=10|pages=1844–1857|doi=10.1016/j.addbeh.2005.12.028|pmid=16460883}}</ref> Distinctions between the reasons for alcohol consumption of males and females begin to emerge around ages 14–15; overall, boys tend to view drinking in a more social light than girls, who report on average a more frequent use of alcohol as a coping mechanism.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" /> The latter effect appears to shift in late adolescence and onset of early adulthood (20–21 years of age); however, despite this trend, age tends to bring a greater desire to drink for pleasure rather than coping in both boys and girls.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" />

Drinking habits and the motives behind them often reflect certain aspects of an individual's personality; in fact, four dimensions of the [[Big Five personality traits|Five-Factor Model]] of personality demonstrate associations with drinking motives (all but 'Openness'). Greater enhancement motives for alcohol consumption tend to reflect high levels of extraversion and sensation-seeking in individuals; such enjoyment motivation often also indicates low conscientiousness, manifesting in lowered inhibition and a greater tendency towards aggression. On the other hand, drinking to cope with [[negative emotion]]al states correlates strongly with high neuroticism and low agreeableness.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" /> Alcohol use as a negative emotion control mechanism often links with many other behavioral and emotional impairments, such as anxiety, depression, and low self-esteem.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" />

Research has generally shown striking uniformity across different cultures in the motives behind teen alcohol use. Social engagement and personal enjoyment appear to play a fairly universal role in adolescents' decision to drink throughout separate cultural contexts. Surveys conducted in Argentina, Hong Kong, and Canada have each indicated the most common reason for drinking among adolescents to relate to pleasure and recreation; 80% of Argentinian teens reported drinking for enjoyment, while only 7% drank to improve a bad mood.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" /> The most prevalent answers among Canadian adolescents were to "get in a party mood," 18%; "because I enjoy it," 16%; and "to get drunk," 10%.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" /> In Hong Kong, female participants most frequently reported drinking for social enjoyment, while males most frequently reported drinking to feel the effects of alcohol.<ref name="Kuntsche et al" />

===Media===

====Body image====
[[File:Ignoring Each Other (33390897436) (cropped).jpg|100px|thumb|A girl looking at her smartphone]]
Much research has been conducted on the psychological ramifications of [[body image]] on adolescents. Modern day teenagers are exposed to more media on a daily basis than any generation before them. As such, modern day adolescents are exposed to many representations of ideal, societal beauty. The concept of a person being unhappy with their own image or appearance has been defined as "body dissatisfaction". In teenagers, body dissatisfaction is often associated with body mass, low [[self-esteem]], and atypical eating patterns that can result in health procedures.<ref name="Makinen">{{cite journal | last1 = Mäkinen | first1 = M |display-authors=et al | year = 2012 | title = Body dissatisfaction and body mass in girls and boys transitioning from early to mid-adolescence: additional role of self-esteem and eating habits | journal = BMC Psychiatry | volume = 12 | page = 35 | doi=10.1186/1471-244x-12-35| pmid = 22540528 | pmc = 3370989 | doi-access = free }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Inge|first1=Thomas H.|last2=Coley|first2=R. Yates|last3=Bazzano|first3=Lydia A.|last4=Xanthakos|first4=Stavra A.|last5=McTigue|first5=Kathleen|last6=Arterburn|first6=David|last7=Williams|first7=Neely|last8=Wellman|first8=Rob|last9=Coleman|first9=Karen J.|last10=Courcoulas|first10=Anita|last11=Desai|first11=Nirav K.|date=2018|title=Comparative effectiveness of bariatric procedures among adolescents: the PCORnet bariatric study|journal=Surgery for Obesity and Related Diseases|language=en|volume=14|issue=9|pages=1374–1386|doi=10.1016/j.soard.2018.04.002|pmc=6165694|pmid=29793877}}</ref> Scholars continue to debate the effects of media on body dissatisfaction in teens.<ref name="Ata">{{cite journal | last1 = Ata | first1 = R. N. | last2 = Ludden | first2 = A. | last3 = Lally | first3 = M. M. | year = 2007 | title = The effects of gender and family, friends, peers, and media influences on eating behaviors and body image during adolescence | journal = Journal of Youth and Adolescence | volume = 36 | issue = 8| pages = 1024–1037 | doi = 10.1007/s10964-006-9159-x | s2cid = 145646823 }}</ref><ref name="Review of General Psychology">{{cite journal | last1 = Ferguson | first1 = C. J. | last2 = Winegard | first2 = B. | last3 = Winegard | first3 = B. | year = 2011 | title = Who is the fairest one of all? How evolution guides peer and media influences on female body dissatisfaction | url = http://www.tamiu.edu/~cferguson/Who%20Is%20the%20Fairest.pdf | journal = Review of General Psychology | volume = 15 | issue = 1 | pages = 11–28 | doi = 10.1037/a0022607 | s2cid = 4848392 | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20120314015802/http://www.tamiu.edu/~cferguson/Who%20Is%20the%20Fairest.pdf | archive-date = March 14, 2012 }}</ref>

====Media profusion====

Because exposure to media has increased over the past decade, adolescents' use of computers, cell phones, stereos and televisions to gain access to various mediums of popular culture has also increased. Almost all American households have at least one television, more than three-quarters of all adolescents' homes have access to the Internet, and more than 90% of American adolescents use the Internet at least occasionally.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Lenhart|first=Amanda|title=Teens and social media|journal=Pew Internet and American Life Project|year=2007}}</ref> As a result of the amount of time adolescents spend using these devices, their total media exposure is high. From 1996 to 2006, the amount of time that adolescents spent on the computer greatly increased.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Greene|first=M|title=Trajectories of perceived adult and peer discrimination among Black, Latino, and Asian American adolescents: patterns and psychological correlates.|journal=Developmental Psychology|date=March 2006|volume=42|pages=391–396|pmid=16569162|doi=10.1037/0012-1649.42.2.218|issue=2}}</ref> Online activities with the highest rates of use among adolescents are video games (78% of adolescents), email (73%), instant messaging (68%), social networking sites (65%), news sources (63%), music (59%), and videos (57%).

====Social networking====

In the 2000s, social networking sites proliferated and a high proportion of adolescents used them. As of 2012, 73% of 12–17 year olds reported having at least one social networking profile;<ref>{{cite journal|last=Reich|first=Stephanie M.|author2=Kaveri Subrahmanyam |author3=Guadalupe Espinoza|title=Friending, IMing, and Hanging Out Face-to-Face: Overlap in Adolescents' Online and Offline Social Networks|journal=Developmental Psychology|date=March 2012|volume=48|issue=2|pages=356–368|doi=10.1037/a0026980|pmid=22369341}}</ref> two-thirds (68%) of teens texted every day, half (51%) visited social networking sites daily, and 11% sent or received tweets at least once every day. More than a third (34%) of teens visited their main social networking site several times a day. One in four (23%) teens were "heavy" social media users, meaning they used at least two different types of social media each and every day.<ref>{{cite web|title=Teens are avid, daily users of social media|url=http://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/social-media-social-life/key-finding-1%3A-teens-are-avid,-daily-users-of-social-media|work=Social Media, Social Life: How Teens View Their Digital Lives|publisher=Common Sense Media|access-date=December 6, 2012|archive-date=May 15, 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210515235615/https://www.commonsensemedia.org/research/social-media-social-life/key-finding-1%3A-teens-are-avid,-daily-users-of-social-media|url-status=dead}}</ref>

Although research has been inconclusive, some findings have indicated that electronic communication negatively affects adolescents' social development, replaces face-to-face communication, impairs their social skills, and can sometimes lead to unsafe interaction with strangers. A 2015 review reported that "adolescents lack awareness of strategies to cope with cyberbullying, which has been consistently associated with an increased likelihood of depression."<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Hamm|first1=MP|last2=Newton|first2=AS|last3=Chisholm|first3=A|last4=Shulhan|first4=J|last5=Milne|first5=A|last6=Sundar|first6=P|last7=Ennis|first7=H|last8=Scott|first8=SD|last9=Hartling|first9=L|title=Prevalence and Effect of Cyberbullying on Children and Young People: A Scoping Review of Social Media Studies|journal=JAMA Pediatrics|date=June 22, 2015|pmid=26098362|doi=10.1001/jamapediatrics.2015.0944|volume=169|issue=8|pages=770–7}}</ref> Furthermore, in 2020, 32% of adolescent girls that use Instagram reported feeling worse about their body image after using the platform.<ref>{{Cite news|date=2021-09-15|title=Facebook under fire over secret teen research|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-58570353|access-date=2021-10-03}}</ref> Studies have shown differences in the ways the internet negatively impacts adolescents' social functioning. Online socializing tends to make girls particularly vulnerable, while socializing in [[Internet café]]s seems only to affect boys' academic achievement. However, other research suggests that Internet communication brings friends closer and is beneficial for [[Social anxiety|socially anxious]] teens, who find it easier to interact socially online.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Chen|first=Su-Yen|author2=Fu, Yang-Chih|title=Internet use and academic achievement in early adolescence|journal=Adolescence|year=2009|volume=44|issue=176|pages=797–812|url=http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/47715864|access-date=October 4, 2012|pmid=20432601}}</ref>

===Transitions into adulthood===
{{further|Leaving the nest}}
[[File:Da Nang, Vietnam. A young Marine private waits on the beach during the Marine landing. - NARA - 532432 (restored).jpg|thumbnail|160px|A young U.S. Marine in the [[Vietnam War]], 1965]]
A broad way of defining adolescence is the transition from child-to-adulthood. According to Hogan & Astone (1986), this transition can include markers such as leaving school, starting a full-time job, leaving the home of origin, getting married, and becoming a parent for the first time.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Shanahan |first1=Michael J. |title=Pathways to Adulthood in Changing Societies: Variability and Mechanisms in Life Course Perspective |journal=Annual Review of Sociology |date=August 2000 |volume=26 |issue=1 |pages=667–692 |id={{Gale|A67051625}} |doi=10.1146/annurev.soc.26.1.667 |jstor=223461 }}</ref> However, the time frame of this transition varies drastically by culture. In some countries, such as the United States, adolescence can last nearly a decade, but in others, the transition—often in the form of a ceremony—can last for only a few days.<ref>Steinberg, L. (2011). "Adolescence", 9th ed. 101. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.</ref>

Some examples of social and religious transition ceremonies that can be found in the U.S., as well as in other cultures around the world, are [[Confirmation]], [[Bar and Bat Mitzvah]]s, [[Quinceañera]]s, [[Sweet sixteen (birthday)|sweet sixteens]], [[cotillion]]s, and [[débutante]] balls. In other countries, initiation ceremonies play an important role, marking the transition into adulthood or the entrance into adolescence. This transition may be accompanied by obvious physical changes, which can vary from a change in clothing to tattoos and scarification.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> Furthermore, transitions into adulthood may also vary by gender, and specific rituals may be more common for males or for females. This illuminates the extent to which adolescence is, at least in part, a social construction; it takes shape differently depending on the cultural context, and may be enforced more by cultural practices or transitions than by universal chemical or biological physical changes.