Editing Tone (linguistics) (section)

==<span id="Origin"></span> Origin and development==
{{more citations needed section|date=March 2017}}
{{Sound change}}

[[André-Georges Haudricourt]] established that Vietnamese tone originated in earlier consonantal contrasts and suggested similar mechanisms for Chinese.<ref>{{harvp|Haudricourt|1954}}</ref><ref>{{harvp|Haudricourt|1961}}</ref> It is now widely held that Old Chinese did not have phonemically contrastive tone.{{sfnp|Haudricourt|2017}} The historical origin of tone is called '''tonogenesis''', a term coined by [[James Matisoff]].

===Tone as an areal feature===
Tone is sometimes an [[areal feature|areal]] rather than a [[Genetic relationship (linguistics)|phylogenetic]] feature. That is to say, a language may acquire tones through bilingualism if influential neighbouring languages are tonal or if speakers of a tonal language [[language shift|shift]] to the language in question and bring their tones with them. The process is referred to as '''contact-induced tonogenesis''' by linguists.{{sfnp||Kirby|Brunelle|2017}} In other cases, tone may arise spontaneously and surprisingly fast: the dialect of [[Cherokee language|Cherokee]] in Oklahoma has tone, but the dialect in North Carolina does not, even though they were only [[Trail of Tears|separated]] in 1838. [[Hong Kong English]] is tonal, a result of the contact between non-tonal [[British English]] with [[Hong Kong Cantonese]], a tonal language;<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Yeung |first1=Ping Hei |title=Contact-induced tonogenesis in Hong Kong English |journal=Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences |date=2023 |url=https://www.internationalphoneticassociation.org/icphs-proceedings/ICPhS2023/full_papers/440.pdf |access-date=19 February 2025}}</ref><ref name="Wee_2008">{{cite journal |last1=Wee |first1=Lian‐Hee |title=Phonological patterns in the Englishes of Singapore and Hong Kong |journal=World Englishes |date=August 2008 |volume=27 |issue=3-4 |pages=480–501 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-971X.2008.00580.x}}</ref> a similar process of tonogenesis has happened in [[Singapore English]], although under slightly different conditions of linguistic contact, resulting in different tonal outcomes.<ref name="Wee_2008" />

====Examples====
Tone arose in the [[Athabascan languages]] at least twice, in a patchwork of two systems. In some languages, such as [[Navajo language|Navajo]], syllables with glottalized consonants (including glottal stops) in the [[syllable coda]] developed low tones, whereas in others, such as [[Slavey language|Slavey]], they developed high tones, so that the two tonal systems are almost mirror images of each other. Syllables without glottalized codas developed the opposite tone. For example, high tone in Navajo and low tone in Slavey are due to contrast with the tone triggered by the glottalization.

Other Athabascan languages, namely those in western Alaska (such as [[Koyukon language|Koyukon]]) and the Pacific coast (such as [[Hupa language|Hupa]]), did not develop tone. Thus, the Proto-Athabascan word ''{{IPA|*tuː}}'' ('water') is toneless ''{{IPA|toː}}'' in Hupa, high-tone ''{{IPA|tó}}'' in Navajo, and low-tone ''tù'' in Slavey; while Proto-Athabascan ''{{IPA|*-ɢʊtʼ}}'' ('knee') is toneless ''{{IPA|-ɢotʼ}}'' in Hupa, low-tone ''{{IPA|-ɡòd}}'' in Navajo, and high-tone ''{{IPA|-ɡóʔ}}'' in Slavey. {{Harvcoltxt|Kingston|2005}} provides a phonetic explanation for the opposite development of tone based on the two different ways of producing glottalized consonants with either [[tense voice]] on the preceding vowel, which tends to produce a high [[fundamental frequency]], or [[creaky voice]], which tends to produce a low fundamental frequency. Languages with "stiff" glottalized consonants and tense voice developed high tone on the preceding vowel and those with "slack" glottalized consonants with creaky voice developed low tone.

The [[Bantu languages]] also have "mirror" tone systems in which the languages in the northwest corner of the Bantu area have the opposite tones of other Bantu languages.

Three [[Algonquian languages]] developed tone independently of one another and of neighboring languages: [[Cheyenne language|Cheyenne]], [[Arapaho language|Arapaho]], and [[Kickapoo language|Kickapoo]]. In Cheyenne, tone arose via vowel contraction; the long vowels of Proto-Algonquian contracted into high-pitched vowels in Cheyenne while the short vowels became low-pitched. In Kickapoo, a vowel with a following [h] acquired a low tone, and this tone later extended to all vowels followed by a fricative. In [[Afrikaans]] the glottal fricative also lowers the tone of surrounding vowels.

In [[Mohawk language|Mohawk]], a glottal stop can disappear in a combination of [[morpheme]]s, leaving behind a long falling tone. Note that it has the reverse effect of the postulated rising tone in [[Cantonese]] or [[Middle Chinese]], derived from a lost final glottal stop.

In [[Korean language|Korean]], a 2013 study which compared voice recordings of Seoul speech from 1935 and 2005 found that in recent years, [[Fortis and lenis|lenis consonants]] (ㅂㅈㄷㄱ), [[aspirated consonant]]s (ㅍㅊㅌㅋ) and fortis consonants (ㅃㅉㄸㄲ) were shifting from a distinction via [[voice onset time]] to that of pitch change, and suggests that the modern [[Seoul dialect]] is currently undergoing tonogenesis.<ref>{{cite journal |first1=Yoonjung |last1=Kang|first2=Sungwoo|last2=Han|date=September 2013 |title=Tonogenesis in early Contemporary Seoul Korean: A longitudinal case study|journal=Lingua|volume=134 |pages=62–74|doi=10.1016/j.lingua.2013.06.002}}</ref> These sound shifts still show variations among different speakers, suggesting that the transition is still ongoing.<ref>{{cite journal|first1=Mi-Ryoung |last1=Kim|date=2013|title=Tonogenesis in contemporary Korean with special reference to the onset-tone interaction and the loss of a consonant opposition|journal=The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America |volume=133 |issue=3570 |page=3570|doi=10.1121/1.4806535|bibcode=2013ASAJ..133.3570K}}</ref> Among 141 examined Seoul speakers, these pitch changes were originally initiated by females born in the 1950s, and have almost reached completion in the speech of those born in the 1990s.<ref>{{cite thesis|type=PhD |first1=Sunghye|last1=Cho|date=2017|title=Development of pitch contrast and Seoul Korean intonation|publisher=University of Pennsylvania |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319291457 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201029072543/https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Sunghye_Cho2/publication/319291457_Development_of_Pitch_Contrast_and_Seoul_Korean_Intonation_Copyright/links/5d51c9b292851cd046b6c422/Development-of-Pitch-Contrast-and-Seoul-Korean-Intonation-Copyright.pdf|archive-date=October 29, 2020}}</ref>

===Tonogenesis===

====Triggers of tonogenesis====

{{More citations needed section|date=July 2020}}

"There is tonogenetic potential in various series of phonemes: glottalized vs. plain consonants, unvoiced vs. voiced, aspirated vs. unaspirated, geminates vs. simple (...), and even among vowels".{{sfnp|Michaud|Sands|2020}} Very often, tone arises as an effect of the [[Phonological change#Loss|loss]] or [[Phonological change#Merger|merger]] of consonants. In a nontonal language, [[voiced consonant]]s commonly cause following vowels to be pronounced at a lower pitch than other consonants. That is usually a minor phonetic detail of voicing. However, if consonant voicing is subsequently lost, that incidental pitch difference may be left over to carry the distinction that the voicing previously carried (a process called [[transphonologization]]) and thus becomes meaningful ([[Phonemic contrast|phonemic]]).{{sfnp|Kingston|2011|pp=2304–2310}}

This process happened in the [[Punjabi language]]: the Punjabi [[breathy voice|murmured]] (voiced aspirate) consonants have disappeared and left tone in their wake. If the murmured consonant was at the beginning of a word, it left behind a low tone; at the end, it left behind a high tone. If there was no such consonant, the pitch was unaffected; however, the unaffected words are limited in pitch and did not interfere with the low and high tones. That produced a tone of its own, mid tone. The historical connection is so regular that Punjabi is still written as if it had murmured consonants, and tone is not marked. The written consonants tell the reader which tone to use.{{sfnp|Bhatia|1975}}

Similarly, final [[fricative]]s or other consonants may phonetically affect the pitch of preceding vowels, and if they then [[lenition|weaken]] to {{IPA|[h]}} and finally disappear completely, the difference in pitch, now a true difference in tone, carries on in their stead.{{sfnp|Kingston|2011|pp=2310–2314}} This was the case with Chinese. Two of the three tones of [[Middle Chinese]], the "rising" and the "departing" tones, arose as the [[Old Chinese]] final consonants {{IPA|/ʔ/}} and {{IPA|/s/ → /h/}} disappeared, while syllables that ended with neither of these consonants were interpreted as carrying the third tone, "even". Most varieties descending from Middle Chinese were further affected by a [[tone split]] in which each tone divided in two depending on whether the initial consonant was voiced. Vowels following a voiced consonant ([[depressor consonant]]) acquired a lower tone as the voicing lost its distinctiveness.{{sfnp|Kingston|2011|p=2311}}

The same changes affected many other languages in the same area, and at around the same time (AD 1000–1500). The tone split, for example, also occurred in [[Thai language|Thai]] and [[Vietnamese language|Vietnamese]].

In general, voiced initial consonants lead to low tones while vowels after aspirated consonants acquire a high tone. When final consonants are lost, a glottal stop tends to leave a preceding vowel with a high or rising tone (although glottalized vowels tend to be low tone so if the glottal stop causes vowel glottalization, that will tend to leave behind a low vowel). A final fricative tends to leave a preceding vowel with a low or falling tone. Vowel phonation also frequently develops into tone, as can be seen in the case of Burmese.

====Stages of tonogenesis====
1. The table below is the process of tonogenesis in [[Hmong language|White Hmong]], described by [[Martha Ratliff]].<ref name="Ratliff 2015 p. ">{{cite book | last=Ratliff | first=Martha | editor-first1=Patrick | editor-first2=Joseph | editor-last1=Honeybone | editor-last2=Salmons | title=Oxford Handbooks Online | chapter=Tonoexodus, Tonogenesis, and Tone Change | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=2015-04-07 | doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199232819.013.021 | pages=245–261}}</ref><ref>Ratliff, Martha. (2017). [https://www.linguisticsociety.org/sites/default/files/e-learning/July%2014%20Tonology.pdf ''Structure of Hmong-Mien Languages Session 3: Tonology''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190327102415/https://www.linguisticsociety.org/sites/default/files/e-learning/July%2014%20Tonology.pdf |date=2019-03-27  }}. Slides for the 2017 LSA Institute at University of Kentucky.</ref> The tone values described in the table are from Christina Esposito.<ref name="Esposito 2012 pp. 466–476">{{cite journal | last=Esposito | first=Christina M. | title=An acoustic and electroglottographic study of White Hmong tone and phonation | journal=Journal of Phonetics | publisher=Elsevier BV | volume=40 | issue=3 | year=2012 | issn=0095-4470 | doi=10.1016/j.wocn.2012.02.007 | pages=466–476}}</ref><ref name="Garellek Keating Esposito Kreiman 2013 pp. 1078–1089">{{cite journal | last1=Garellek | first1=Marc | last2=Keating | first2=Patricia | last3=Esposito | first3=Christina M. | last4=Kreiman | first4=Jody | title=Voice quality and tone identification in White Hmong | journal=The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America | publisher=Acoustical Society of America (ASA) | volume=133 | issue=2 | date=2013-01-30 | issn=0001-4966 | doi=10.1121/1.4773259 | pages=1078–1089| pmid=23363123 | pmc=3574099 | bibcode=2013ASAJ..133.1078G }}</ref>

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
|+ Tonogenesis in White Hmong
|-
| Atonal stage
| colspan="2" |CV
| colspan="2" |CVʔ
| colspan="2" |CVh
| colspan="2" |CVC<sub>vl</sub>
|-
| Tonogenesis
| colspan="2" |CV <sup>level</sup>
| colspan="2" |CV <sup>rising</sup>
| colspan="2" |CV <sup>falling</sup>
| colspan="2" |CVC<sub>vl</sub> <sup>atonal</sup>
|-
| Tone split || A1 <sup>upper</sup> || A2 <sup>lower</sup> || B1 <sup>upper</sup> || B2 <sup>lower</sup> || C1 <sup>upper</sup> || C2 <sup>lower</sup> || D1 <sup>upper</sup> || D2 <sup>lower</sup>
|-
| Current || {{IPA|[pɔ˦˥]}} || {{IPA|[pɔ˥˨]}} || {{IPA|[pɔ˨˦]}} || {{IPA|[pɔ˨]}} || {{IPA|[pɔ˧]}} || {{IPA|[pɔ̤˦˨]}} || -- || {{IPA|[pɔ̰˨˩]}}
|}

2. The table below shows the [[Vietnamese language|Vietnamese]] tonogenesis.<ref>{{Cite conference| publisher = Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Institute for the Study of Foreign Studies, Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa| conference = Proceedings of the symposium “Crosslinguistic studies of tonal phenomena: Tonogenesis, Japanese Accentology, and Other Topics| pages = 3–31| last = Matisoff| first = James A| title = Tibeto-Burman tonology in an areal context| date = 1999}}</ref>{{sfnp|Haudricourt|2018}}<ref>{{Cite conference| last = Ferlus| first = Michel| title = The origin of tones in Viet-Muong| conference = Papers from the Eleventh Annual Conference of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 2001 | pages = 297–313 | date = 2004| s2cid = 194697589}}</ref> The tone values are taken from James Kirby.<ref name="Kirby 2010 pp. 3749–3757">{{cite journal | last=Kirby | first=James | title=Dialect experience in Vietnamese tone perception | journal=The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America | publisher=Acoustical Society of America (ASA) | volume=127 | issue=6 | year=2010 | issn=0001-4966 | doi=10.1121/1.3327793 | pages=3749–3757 | pmid=20550273 | bibcode=2010ASAJ..127.3749K | s2cid=8742491 | url=https://doi.org/10.1121/1.3327793 | hdl=20.500.11820/f30d8742-b13a-427c-9070-c131383b0cad | hdl-access=free }}</ref><ref name="Vũ 1982 pp. 55-75 ">{{cite journal | first = Thanh Phương | last = Vũ | title=Phonetic Properties of Vietnamese Tones Across Dialects | journal=Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics | number=8 | publisher=Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University | year = 1982 | doi=10.15144/PL-A62.55 | pages = 55–75 | url=http://sealang.net/archives/pl/pdf/PL-A62.55.pdf | access-date=2023-07-23 }}</ref>

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
|+ Tonogenesis in Vietnamese
|-
| Atonal stage
| colspan="2" |CV
| colspan="2" |CVx > CVʔ
| colspan="2" |CVs > CVh
|-
| Tonogenesis
| colspan="2" |CV <sup>mid</sup>
| colspan="2" |CV <sup>rising</sup>
| colspan="2" |CV <sup>falling</sup>
|-
| Tone split || A1 <sup>higher</sup> || A2 <sup>lower</sup> || B1 <sup>higher</sup> || B2 <sup>lower</sup> || C1 <sup>higher</sup> || C2 <sup>lower</sup>
|-
| Current || ngang {{IPA|/˦/}} || huyền {{IPA|/˨˩/}} || sắc {{IPA|/˨˦/}} || nặng {{IPA|/˨/}} || hỏi {{IPA|/˧˨/}} || ngã {{IPA|/˧˥/}}
|-
|}

3. The table below is the tonogenesis of [[Tai Dam language|Tai Dam]] (Black Tai). Displayed in the first row is the Proto-Southern Kra-Dai, as reconstructed by Norquest.<ref>{{cite thesis |degree=PhD |last=Norquest |first=Peter K. |title=A Phonological Reconstruction of Proto-Hlai |oclc=659748425 |language=en |publisher=University of Arizona |date=2007 |url=https://arizona.aws.openrepository.com/handle/10150/194203 }}</ref><ref>{{cite thesis |degree=PhD |last=Pittayaporn |first=Pittayawat |title=The Phonology of Proto-Tai |publisher=Cornell University |hdl=1813/13855 |url=https://hdl.handle.net/1813/13855 |language=en }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Burusphat |first=Somsonge |date=2012-01-07 |title=Tones of Thai Song Varieties |journal=Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society  |volume=5 |pages=32–48 |hdl=1885/9118 |s2cid=29263300 |url=http://hdl.handle.net/1885/9118 |issn=1836-6821 |editor1-first=Paul |editor1-last=Sidwell |hdl-access=free }}</ref>

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
|+ Tonogenesis in Tai Dam
|-
| Proto-SKD
| colspan="2" |*∅
| colspan="2" |*-h
| colspan="2" |*-ʔ
| colspan="2" |*-ʔ͡C
|-
| Tonogenesis
| colspan="2" |level
| colspan="2" |rising
| colspan="2" |falling
| colspan="2" |
|-
| Tone split || A1 || A2 || B1 || B2 || C1 || C2 || D1 || D2
|-
| Current || {{IPA|/˨/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˦˥/}} || {{IPA|/˦/}} || {{IPA|/˨˩ʔ/}} || {{IPA|/˧˩ʔ/}} || {{IPA|/˦˥/}} || {{IPA|/˦/}}
|-
|}

4. The table below shows the [[Chinese language]] tonogenesis.<ref name="Ratliff 2002 p. 29">{{cite journal | last=Ratliff | first=Martha | title=Timing Tonogenesis: Evidence from Borrowing | journal=Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society | publisher=Linguistic Society of America | volume=28 | issue=2 | date=2002-06-25 | issn=2377-1666 | doi=10.3765/bls.v28i2.1043 | pages=29–41 | url=https://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/BLS/article/view/1043 | doi-access=free }}</ref><ref name="Dai 1991">{{cite thesis |last=Dai |first=Yi-Chun |date=1991 |title=The phonological domain of tone in Chinese: Historical perspectives |degree=Master's |publisher=Simon Fraser University |url=https://summit.sfu.ca/item/4769 |s2cid=141736627 }}</ref>

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
|+ Tonogenesis in Chinese
|-
| Atonal stage
| colspan="2" |-∅, -N
| colspan="2" |-ʔ
| colspan="2" |-s
| colspan="2" |-p, -t, -k
|-
| Tonogenesis
| colspan="2" |平 píng (level)
| colspan="2" |上 shǎng (rising)
| colspan="2" |去 qù (departing)
| colspan="2" |入 rù (entering)
|-
| Tone split || A1 || A2 || B1 || B2 || C1 || C2 || D1 || D2
|-
|}

The tone values are listed below:

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
|+ Tone Value of Modern Varieties of Chinese
|-
! Class !! SC<ref name="Huang">Huang, Bo-Rong & Liao, Xu-Dong. [黄伯荣,廖序东] (2002). ''Xiandai Hanyu'' [现代汉语] (3rd ed., vol. 1), pp. 85-86. Beijing: 高等教育出版社.</ref>!! TSH<ref name="Hakka">Hakka Affairs Council. (2018). Vocabulary for the Hakka Proficiency Test: Elementary (Sixian) [客語能力認證基本詞彙-初級(四縣腔)]. Available at https://elearning.hakka.gov.tw/ver2015 {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190327172449/https://elearning.hakka.gov.tw/ver2015/ |date=2019-03-27  }}</ref>!! THH<ref name="Hakka" /> !! XMM<ref name="Cihui">Peking University Department of Chinese Language and Literature [北京大学中国语言文学系]. (1995). ''Hanyu Fangyan Cihui'' [汉语方言词汇] (2nd ed.). Beijing: 语文出版社.</ref>!! FZM<ref name="Cihui" /> !! SZW<ref name="Huang" /> !! SXW<ref name="Huang" />
|-
| A1 || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˨˦/}} || {{IPA|/˥˧/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˦/}} || {{IPA|/˦/}} || {{IPA|/˦˩/}}
|-
| A2 || {{IPA|/˧˥/}} || {{IPA|/˩/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˨˦/}} || {{IPA|/˥˨/}} || {{IPA|/˩˧/}} || {{IPA|/˩˥/}}
|-
| B1 || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˨˩˦/}} || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˧˩/}} || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˨˦/}} || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˥˩/}} || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˧˩/}} || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˥˨/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}}
|-
| B2 || {{IPA|/˨/}}
|-
| C1 || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˥˩/}} || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˥˥/}} || {{IPA|/˩/}} || {{IPA|/˩/}} || {{IPA|/˨˩˧/}} || {{IPA|/˦˩˨/}} || {{IPA|/˦/}}
|-
| C2 || {{IPA|/˧/}} || {{IPA|/˧/}} || {{IPA|/˨˦˨/}} || {{IPA|/˧˩/}} || {{IPA|/˧˩/}}
|-
| D1 || rowspan="2"|{{IPA|/˥, ˧˥<br />˨˩˦, ˥˩/}} || {{IPA|/˨/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˧˨/}} || {{IPA|/˨˧/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}}
|-
| D2 || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˨/}} || {{IPA|/˥/}} || {{IPA|/˦/}} || {{IPA|/˨/}} || {{IPA|/˧˨/}}
|}
#SC= [[Standard Chinese]] (Putonghua)
#TSH= [[Sixian dialect|Taiwanese Sixian Hakka]]
#THH= [[Hailu dialect|Taiwanese Hailu Hakka]]
#XMM= [[Amoy dialect|Xiamen Min]] (Amoy)
#FZM= [[Fuzhou dialect|Fuzhou Min]]
#SZW= [[Suzhou dialect|Suzhou Wu]]
#SXW= [[Shaoxing dialect|Shaoxing Wu]]

The tones across all [[Variety (linguistics)|varieties]] (or [[dialect]]s) of Chinese correspond to each other, although they may not correspond to each other perfectly. Moreover, listed above are citation tones, but in actual conversations, obligatory [[tone sandhi|sandhi]] rules will reshape them. The Sixian and Hailu Hakka in [[Taiwan]] are famous for their near-regular and opposite pattern (of pitch height). Both will be compared with [[Standard Chinese]] below.

{| class="wikitable"
|-
! Word !! Hailu Hakka !! Standard Chinese !! Sixian Hakka
|-
| 老人家 'elder people' || lo<sup>LR</sup> ngin<sup>HL</sup> ga<sup>HF</sup> || lao<sup>LF</sup> ren<sup>MR</sup> jia<sup>HL</sup><br />(→ lao<sup>LF</sup>renjia) || lo<sup>MF</sup> ngin<sup>LL</sup> ga<sup>LR</sup>
|-
| 碗公 'bowl' || von<sup>LR</sup> gung<sup>HF</sup> || wan<sup>LF</sup> gong<sup>HL</sup> || von<sup>MF</sup> gung<sup>LR</sup>
|-
| 車站 'bus stop' || cha<sup>HF</sup> zham<sup>LL</sup> || che<sup>HL</sup> zhan<sup>HF</sup> || ca<sup>LR</sup> zam<sup>HL</sup>
|-
| 自行車 'bicycle' || cii<sup>ML</sup> hang<sup>HL</sup> cha<sup>HF</sup> || zi<sup>HF</sup> xing<sup>MR</sup> che<sup>HL</sup> || cii<sup>HL</sup> hang<sup>LL</sup> ca<sup>LR</sup>
|-
|}
#H: high; M: mid; L: low;
#L: level; R: rising; F: falling
5. The table below shows Punjabi tonogenesis in bisyllabic words. Unlike the above four examples, Punjab was not under the east Asian tone [[sprachbund]], instead belonging to a separate one in its own area of Punjab. As well, unlike the above languages, which developed tone from syllable endings, Punjab developed tone from its voiced aspirated stops losing their aspiration.<ref>{{Cite thesis|last=Bowden|first=Andrea Lynn|date=2012-03-07|title=Punjabi Tonemics and the Gurmukhi Script: A Preliminary Study|url=https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2983/|type=MA thesis|publisher=Brigham Young University|access-date=2022-08-19 |archive-date=2022-08-19 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220819182103/https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2983/|url-status=live}}</ref> Tone does occur in monosyllabic words as well, but are not discussed in the chart below.
{| class="wikitable"
|+Tonogenesis in Punjabi{{Incomplete table|date=August 2021}}
|Atonal stage
|C(V)VC̬ʰ(V)V
| colspan="4" |C̬ʰ(V)VC(V)V
|C(V)VC(V)V
|-
| rowspan="2" |Tonogenesis
| rowspan="2" |C̬ʰ → V́C̬V̀

/ V_V
| colspan="2" |C̬ʰVC(V)V
| colspan="2" |C̬ʰVVC(V)V
| rowspan="2" | -
|-
| colspan="2" |C̬ʰ → T̥V, R̬V / #_V
| colspan="2" |C̬ʰVV → T̥VV̀, R̬VV̀ / #_VV
|-
|Result
|C(V)V́C̬(V)V̀
|T̥VC(V)V
|R̬VC(V)V
|T̥VV̀C(V)V
|R̬VV̀C(V)V
|C(V)VC(V)V
|}
(C = any consonant, T = non-retroflex stop, R = retroflex stop; C̬ = voiced, C̥ = unvoiced; Cʰ = aspirated; V = Neutral tone, V́ = Rising tone, V̀ = Falling tone)