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=== Nationalisation and political philosophy === Gaitskell was a consensual leader in 1955β59, in contrast to his earlier and later image. Labour was widely expected to win the next general election and in Campbell's view he arguably did not give a clear enough lead or attack the Conservatives aggressively enough.<ref>Campbell 2010, p228-9</ref> Gaitskell had initially believed nationalisation to be both morally right and economically efficient, and hoped in vain that manager-worker relations would be transformed.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p.288" /> But in 1956 he published a Fabian pamphlet ''"Socialism and Nationalisation"'' (actually written three years earlier), arguing that there was no need for greater public ownership, and that his goals were full employment, [[industrial democracy]] and a greater spread of economic power. Gaitskell still supported physical controls and his views were a little to the left of those expressed by [[Anthony Crosland]] in ''"The Future of Socialism"'' (1956).<ref name="Matthew 2004, p.291">Matthew 2004, p.291</ref> Gaitskell's political philosophy became known as [[Gaitskellism]], and from the late 1950s brought him into increasing conflict with the trade unions over nationalisation.<ref name=quizlet>{{cite web|url=https://quizlet.com/82580255/bevanism-vs-gaitskellites-labour-party-divisions-flash-cards |title='Bevanism' vs 'Gaitskellites' Labour Party Divisions flashcards |publisher=Quizlet |date=1956-07-26 |access-date=2016-03-29}}</ref> Besides repudiating the unquestioned commitment to public ownership of the means of production, now seen as merely one of numerous useful devices, he emphasised the goals of personal liberty, social welfare and above all social equality. Gaitskellism tended to downplay loyalty to the Labour movement as a central ethical goal, and argued that the new goals could be achieved if the government used appropriate fiscal and social policy measures within the context of a market-oriented mixed economy.<ref name="Richard Heffernan 2000 p 301" /> Gaitskell's cadre of supporters included [[Anthony Crosland]], [[Roy Jenkins]], [[Douglas Jay]], [[Patrick Gordon Walker]] and [[James Callaghan]].<ref>Brian Harrison, ''Seeking a Role: The United Kingdom 1951β1970'' (2011) ch 8.</ref> [[Frank Cousins (British politician)|Frank Cousins]] became General Secretary of the TGWU in 1956, beginning the process whereby the unions began to shift left. The 1957 Conference endorsed the document ''"Industry and Society"'', which called for more flexibility, including state purchase of shares in small private firms. This was loudly condemned by Bevan's wife [[Jennie Lee, Baroness Lee of Asheridge|Jennie Lee]] and by [[Michael Foot]], editor of ''[[Tribune (magazine)|Tribune]]'' but out of Parliament at the time.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p.290" />
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