Editing Balfour Declaration (section)

=== Broader Arab response ===
In the broader Arab world, the declaration was seen as a betrayal of the British wartime understandings with the Arabs.{{sfn|Watts|2008|p=190a}} The Sharif of Mecca and other Arab leaders considered the declaration a violation of a previous commitment made in the McMahon–Hussein correspondence in exchange for launching the Arab Revolt.{{sfn|Shlaim|2005|pp=251–270}}

Following the publication of the declaration in an Egyptian newspaper, ''[[Al Muqattam]]'',<ref name=aida>{{cite thesis|author=Aida Ali Najjar|id={{ProQuest|288060869}}|title=The Arabic Press and Nationalism in Palestine, 1920-1948|url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/288060869|isbn=978-1-0838-5146-8
|location=Syracuse University|page=42|degree=PhD|year=1975}}</ref> the British dispatched Commander [[David George Hogarth]] to see Hussein in January 1918 bearing [[Hogarth Message|the message]] that the "political and economic freedom" of the Palestinian population was not in question.<ref name="Khouri"/> Hogarth reported that Hussein "would not accept an independent Jewish State in Palestine, nor was I instructed to warn him that such a state was contemplated by Great Britain".{{sfn|Huneidi|2001|p=66}} Hussein had also learned of the Sykes–Picot Agreement when it was leaked by the new [[Soviet Union|Soviet]] government in December 1917, but was satisfied by [[Bassett Letter|two disingenuous messages]] from Sir [[Reginald Wingate]], who had replaced McMahon as High Commissioner of Egypt, assuring him that the British commitments to the Arabs were still valid and that the Sykes–Picot Agreement was not a formal treaty.<ref name="Khouri"/>

Continuing Arab disquiet over Allied intentions also led during 1918 to the British [[Declaration to the Seven]] and the [[Anglo-French Declaration]], the latter promising "the complete and final liberation of the peoples who have for so long been oppressed by the Turks, and the setting up of national governments and administrations deriving their authority from the free exercise of the initiative and choice of the indigenous populations".<ref name="Khouri" /><ref>[http://unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/4c4f7515dc39195185256cf7006f878c Report of a Committee Set up to Consider Certain Correspondence Between Sir Henry McMahon and the Sharif of Mecca in 1915 and 1916] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151024004146/http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/4C4F7515DC39195185256CF7006F878C |date=24 October 2015 }}, UNISPAL, Annex&nbsp;A, paragraph&nbsp;19.</ref>

In 1919, King Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles. After February 1920, the British ceased to pay subsidy to him.{{sfn|Paris|2003|p=249}} In August 1920, five days after the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres, which formally recognized the Kingdom of Hejaz, Curzon asked Cairo to procure Hussein's signature to both treaties and agreed to make a payment of £30,000 conditional on signature.{{sfn|Mousa|1978|pp=184–5}} Hussein declined and in 1921, stated that he could not be expected to "affix his name to a document assigning Palestine to the Zionists and Syria to foreigners."{{sfn|Mousa|1978|p=185}} Following the 1921 Cairo Conference, Lawrence was sent to try and obtain the King's signature to a treaty as well as to Versailles and Sèvres, a £60,000 annual subsidy being proposed; this attempt also failed.{{sfn|Paris|2003|p=252}} During 1923, the British made one further attempt to settle outstanding issues with Hussein and once again, the attempt foundered, Hussein continued in his refusal to recognize the Balfour Declaration or any of the Mandates that he perceived as being his domain. In March 1924, having briefly considered the possibility of removing the offending article from the treaty, the government suspended any further negotiations;{{sfn|Huneidi|2001|pp=71–2}} within six months they withdrew their support in favour of their [[Sultanate of Nejd|central Arabian]] ally [[Ibn Saud]], who proceeded to [[Saudi conquest of Hejaz|conquer Hussein's kingdom]].{{sfn|Huneidi|2001|p=72}}