Editing Somaliland (section)

=== Parties and elections ===
{{Main|Political parties in Somaliland|Elections in Somaliland}}
[[File:Somaliland Kulmiye party elections.jpg|upright|thumb|left|Participating in a parade for [[Kulmiye Peace, Unity, and Development Party|Kulmiye Party]] prior to [[2021 Somaliland parliamentary election|parliamentary elections]] in 2021]]

The ''guurti'' worked with rebel leaders to set up a new government, and was incorporated into the governance structure, becoming the Parliament's [[House of Elders of Somaliland|House of Elders]].<ref name="Gettleman">{{cite news|title=Somaliland is an overlooked African success story|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/07/world/africa/07iht-somalia.4826198.html|work=The New York Times|date=7 March 2007|access-date=27 July 2012|first=Jeffrey|last=Gettleman}}</ref> The government became in essence a {{qi|power-sharing coalition of Somaliland's main clans}}, with seats in the Upper and Lower houses proportionally allocated to clans according to a predetermined formula, although not all clans are satisfied with their representation.{{Citation needed|date=December 2021}} In 2002, after several extensions of this interim government, Somaliland transitioned to multi-party democracy.<ref name="X5D7m">{{cite web|url=https://www.iri.org/sites/default/files/flip_docs/Somaliland%20Democratization%20Strategy%20Blog%20Post%20-%20E%20Lewis%20OME/files/assets/basic-html/page105.html|title=Somaliland International Democratization Support Strategy|website=IRI.org|date=1 May 2008|access-date=18 February 2018}}</ref> The election was limited to three parties, in an attempt to create ideology-based elections rather than clan-based elections.<ref name="Gettleman" /> As of December 2014, Somaliland has three [[List of political parties in Somaliland|political parties]]: the [[Kulmiye Peace, Unity, and Development Party|Peace, Unity, and Development Party]], the [[Justice and Welfare Party|Justice and Development Party]], and [[Waddani|Wadani]]. Under the Somaliland Constitution, a maximum of three political parties at the national level is allowed.<ref name="RHoR2">{{cite web|url=http://www.somalilandlaw.com/body_xeerka_xisbiyadda.htm|title=Somaliland Political Parties Law|last=website|publisher=Somalliland Law|access-date=30 June 2017}}</ref> The minimum age required to vote is 15.

[[Freedom House]] ranks the Somaliland government as partly free.<ref name="dZYEs">{{cite web|url=https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2017/somaliland|title=Somaliland * – Country report – Freedom in the World – 2017|publisher=Freedom House|access-date=11 May 2017|archive-date=9 May 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170509183937/https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2017/somaliland}}</ref> Seth Kaplan (2011) argues that in contrast to southern Somalia and adjacent territories, Somaliland, the secessionist northwestern portion of Somalia, has built a more democratic mode of governance from the bottom up, with virtually no foreign assistance.<ref name="Kaplan248252">{{cite journal|last1=Kaplan|first1=Seth|title=The Remarkable Story of Somaliland|journal=Journal of Democracy|date=July 2008|volume=19|issue=3 |pages=248, 252|doi=10.1353/jod.0.0009 |s2cid=153442685 |url=http://www.sethkaplan.org/doc/JOD,%20Democratization%20in%20Africa%20chapter%203.10.pdf|access-date=6 August 2017|quote=The Republic of Somaliland, the secessionist northwestern slice of Somalia that declared independence in 1991, has a far better democratic track record than any of its neighbors despite—or, perhaps, because of—a dearth of assistance from the international community.&nbsp;... Whereas attempts to build stable state structures in Mogadishu have mostly been top-down, with outsiders in the lead, Somaliland has constructed a functioning government from the bottom up, on its own, with little outside assistance.|archive-date=7 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200807065437/http://www.sethkaplan.org/doc/JOD,%20Democratization%20in%20Africa%20chapter%203.10.pdf}}</ref> Specifically, Kaplan suggests that Somaliland has the most democratic political system in the Horn of Africa because it has been largely insulated from the extremist elements in the rest of Somalia and has viable electoral and legislative systems as well as a robust private sector-dominated economy, unlike neighbouring authoritarian governments. He largely attributes this to Somaliland's integration of customary laws and tradition with modern state structures, which he indicates most post-colonial states in Africa and the Middle East have not had the opportunity to do. Kaplan asserts that this has facilitated cohesiveness and conferred greater governmental legitimacy in Somaliland, as has the territory's comparatively homogeneous population, relatively equitable income distribution, a common fear of the south, and absence of interference by outside forces, which has obliged local politicians to observe a degree of accountability.<ref name="Kaplan248249253">{{cite journal|last1=Kaplan|first1=Seth|title=The Remarkable Story of Somaliland|journal=Journal of Democracy|date=July 2008|volume=19|issue=3 |pages=248–249, 253|doi=10.1353/jod.0.0009 |s2cid=153442685 |url=http://www.sethkaplan.org/doc/JOD,%20Democratization%20in%20Africa%20chapter%203.10.pdf|access-date=6 August 2017|quote=Abutting the Gulf of Aden just south of the Red Sea, across the water from Yemen and Saudi Arabia, and bordered by Ethiopia and the rest of Somalia, this strategically important territory is not even recognised by the international community but undoubtedly has the most democratic political system in the entire Horn of Africa. In contrast to the chaos and extremist threats that continue to plague much of the rest of Somalia—and unlike the authoritarian regimes that throng its neighborhood—Somaliland has held three consecutive competitive elections since its constitutional referendum in 2001, has a parliament controlled by opposition parties, and boasts a vibrant economy dominated by the private sector. Somaliland has achieved these successes by constructing a set of governing bodies rooted in traditional Somali concepts of governance by consultation and consent. In contrast to most postcolonial states in Africa and the Middle East, Somaliland has had a chance to administer itself using customary norms, values, and relationships. In fact, its integration of traditional ways of governance within a modern state apparatus has helped it to achieve greater cohesion and legitimacy and— not coincidentally—create greater room for competitive elections and public criticism than exists in most similarly endowed territories.&nbsp;... Somaliland has profited from a unity conferred by its comparatively homogeneous population, modest disparities in personal wealth, widespread fear of the south, and a lack of outside interference that might have undermined the accountability that has been forced on its leaders. This cohesiveness—which makes Somaliland sharply distinct from both Somalia and most other African states—has combined with the enduring strength of traditional institutions of self-governance to mold a unique form of democracy.|archive-date=7 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200807065437/http://www.sethkaplan.org/doc/JOD,%20Democratization%20in%20Africa%20chapter%203.10.pdf}}</ref>