Editing Jean-Jacques Rousseau (section)

===General will===
Rousseau's idea of the ''volonté générale'' ("[[general will]]") was not original but rather belonged to a well-established technical vocabulary of juridical and theological writings in use at the time. The phrase was used by [[Denis Diderot|Diderot]] and also by [[Montesquieu]] (and by his teacher, the [[Oratory of Jesus|Oratorian]] friar [[Nicolas Malebranche]]). It served to designate the common interest embodied in legal tradition, as distinct from and transcending people's private and particular interests at any particular time. It displayed a rather democratic ideology, as it declared that the citizens of a given nation should carry out whatever actions they deem necessary in their own sovereign assembly.{{sfn|Bertram|2012}} Rousseau believed in a legislative process that necessitates the active involvement of every citizen in decision-making through discussion and voting. He coined this process as the "[[general will]]", the collective will of a society as a whole, even if it may not necessarily coincide with the individual desires of each member.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Magee |first=Bryan |title=The Story of Thought: The Essential Guide to the History of Western Philosophy |publisher=The Quality Paperback Bookclub |year=1998 |isbn=9780789444554 |page=128 |language=English}}</ref>

The concept was also an important aspect of the more radical 17th-century republican tradition of [[Baruch Spinoza|Spinoza]], from whom Rousseau differed in important respects, but not in his insistence on the importance of equality:
{{blockquote| While Rousseau's notion of the progressive moral degeneration of mankind from the moment civil society established itself diverges markedly from Spinoza's claim that human nature is always and everywhere the same ... for both philosophers the pristine equality of the state of nature is our ultimate goal and criterion ... in shaping the "common good", ''volonté générale'', or Spinoza's ''mens una'', which alone can ensure stability and political salvation. Without the supreme criterion of equality, the general will would indeed be meaningless. ... When in the depths of the French Revolution the Jacobin clubs all over France regularly deployed Rousseau when demanding radical reforms. and especially anything—such as land redistribution—designed to enhance equality, they were at the same time, albeit unconsciously, invoking a radical tradition which reached back to the late seventeenth century.{{sfn|Israel|2002|page=274}}}}