Editing Gentrification (section)

==Examples==
<!--Please do NOT include a neighborhood here unless neutral sources attest that it is experiencing gentrification.---->

===Inner London===
[[File:Gentrification graffiti 2024.jpg|thumb|upright=1.3|right|"Fuck Your Gentrification": anti-gentrification graffiti in [[Shoreditch]], London, 2024]]

{{blockquote|London is being "made over" by an urban centred middle class. In the post war era, upwardly mobile social classes tended to leave the city. Now, led by a new middle class, they are reconstructing much of inner London as a place both in which to work and live.|Tim Butler, 1997{{sfn|Butler|1997|page=77}}}}

Gentrification is not a new phenomenon in Britain; in [[ancient Rome]] the shop-free forum was developed during the [[Roman Republic]]an period, and in 2nd- and 3rd-century cities in [[Roman Britain]] there is evidence of small shops being replaced by large [[Roman villa|villas]].<ref name=Roman>{{cite book |title=Trade, traders, and the ancient city |editor-first1=Helen |editor-last1=Parkins |editor-first2=Christopher John |editor-last2=Smith |publisher=Routledge |location=London |date=1998 |page=197 |isbn=9780415165174}}</ref>

[[King's College London]] academic [[Loretta Lees]] reported that much of [[Inner London]] was undergoing "super-gentrification", where "a new group of super-wealthy professionals, working in the [[City of London]] [i.e. the financial industry], is slowly imposing its mark on this Inner London housing market, in a way that differentiates it, and them, from traditional gentrifiers, and from the traditional urban upper classes&nbsp;... Super-gentrification is quite different from the classical version of gentrification. It's of a higher economic order; you need a much higher salary and bonuses to live in [[Barnsbury]]" (some two miles north of [[central London]]).<ref name=TimesSuperGentrification/> Rising housing prices due to gentrification within London have led to a doubling of evictions done by private landlords and to a long-term decline in home ownership from the years 2003–2020.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Chou |first1=Winston |last2=Dancygier |first2=Rafaela |title=Why Parties Displace Their Voters: Gentrification, Coalitional Change, and the Demise of Public Housing |journal=American Political Science Review |date=May 2021 |volume=115 |issue=2 |page=432 |doi=10.1017/S0003055421000058|s2cid=232422471 |doi-access=free }}</ref>

Barnsbury was built around 1820, as a middle-class neighbourhood, but after the [[World War II|Second World War]] (1939–1945), many people moved to the suburbs. The upper and middle classes were fleeing from the working class residents of London, made possible by the modern railway. At the war's end, the great housing demand rendered Barnsbury a place of cheap housing, where most people shared accommodation. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, people moving into the area had to finance house renovations with their money, because banks rarely financed loans for Barnsbury. Moreover, the rehabilitating spark was ''The 1959 Housing Purchase and Housing Act'', investing £100&nbsp;million to rehabilitating old properties and [[infrastructure]]. As a result, the principal population influx occurred between 1961 and 1975; the UK Census reports that "between the years of 1961 and 1981, owner-occupation increased from 7 to 19 per cent, furnished rentals declined from 14 to 7 per cent, and unfurnished rentals declined from 61 to 6 per cent";{{sfn|Lees|Slater|Wyly|2010|page=13}} another example of urban gentrification is the super-gentrification, in the 1990s, of the neighboring working-class [[London Borough of Islington]], where Prime Minister [[Tony Blair]] lived until his election in 1997.<ref name=TimesSuperGentrification>{{cite news |first=Lewis |last=Smith |url=https://www.thetimes.com/travel/destinations/uk-travel/england/london-travel/theres-plain-gentrification-and-then-you-have-islington-0jm9cwd9cmn |title=There's plain gentrification ... and then you have Islington |website=Timesonline.co.uk |date=1 September 2006 |access-date=2 April 2017}}</ref> The conversion of older houses into flats emerged in the 1980s as developers saw the profits to be made. By the end of the 1980s, conversions were the single largest source of new dwellings in London.<ref>Hamnett, 1989{{Full citation needed|date=April 2019}}</ref>

===Mexico City===
{{main|Gentrification of Mexico City}}
Mexico City has been an iconic example of an extensive metropolitan area since the 14th century when it became the largest city in the American continent. Its continuous population growth and concentration of economic and political power boomed in the 1930s when the country's involvement with global markets benefited the national financial industry. Currently the fifth largest city in the world, with a population of 21&nbsp;million inhabitants (17.47% of national population) living in 16 districts and 59 municipalities, the urban area continues to expand receiving 1,100 new residents daily. The division of the city is derived from a strong socially and economically segregated population connected by its interdependence, that manifests into spatial arrangements where luxury areas coexist alongside slums. Its development around a core called "El Zocalo" derives from the historic, cultural and political relevance of a central plaza, as well as its contemporary concentration of economic power, currently housing 80% of all national firms.<ref name="Cities of the Future">{{cite journal |last1=Motavalli |first1=Jim |last2=Divya |first2=Abhat |last3=Dineen |first3=Shauna |last4=Jones |first4=Tamsyn |title=Cities of the Future |journal=The Environmental Magazine |date=September 2005 |id={{ProQuest|228992401}} }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Salinas Arreortua |first1=Luis |title=Neoliberal urbanism in the sprawl of cities. The case of Mexico City. |journal=Bitácora Urbano Territorial 28 |date=1 January 2018 |issue=1 |pages=117–123 |url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/1994037290/}}</ref><ref name="Selective Modernization of Mexico C">{{cite journal |last1=Delgadillo |first1=Victor |s2cid=147337750 |title=Selective Modernization of Mexico City and Its Historic Center. Gentrification Without Displacement? |journal=Urban Geography |volume=37 |date=16 November 2016 |issue=8 |pages=1154–1174 |doi=10.1080/02723638.2015.1096114 }}</ref>

In recent years, there has been a large uptick in new development in Mexico City, funded by state and private investments.<ref name="Cities of the Future"/> These urban developments have been catered to elite communities mainly because this group economically supports the country (38% of the total national income is produced by the top 10%) and because the government, predominantly led by PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional), has maintained a profit-oriented policy perspective. Thus, these developments have not only led to an increase of population, traffic and pollution due to inefficient urban planning, but have also pushed great amounts of low-income families to the edges of the city and have challenged the safety of the 11.5&nbsp;million people that economically depend on the underground sector.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Davidson |first1=Justin |title=Learning From Mexico City. |website=[[ProQuest]] |url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/1521118324/}}</ref> This issue adds to the already critical condition of 40% of the population living in informal settlements, often without access to sewage network and clean water. The geology of the city, located in a mountain valley, further contributes to unhealthy living conditions, concentrating high levels of air pollution.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Masoumi |first1=Houshmand |last2=Roque |first2=Daniela |title=Evaluation of Urban Sprawl Speed and Intensity Based on International Urbanization. Example from a Mexican City. |journal=Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning |volume=6 |date=1 January 2015 |issue=1 |pages=27 |url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/1701481790/}}</ref>

The reality currently faced by the city is that of a historic rapid urban growth that has been unable to be adequately controlled and planned for, because of a corrupted and economically driven government, as well as a complex society that is strongly segregated. The negative effects of gentrification in Mexico City have been overlooked by the authorities, regarded as an inevitable process and argued to be in some cases nonexistent.<ref name="Selective Modernization of Mexico C"/>  In recent years, however, an array of proposals have been developed as a way to continue the gentrification of the city in a way that integrates and respects the rights of all citizens.

===Canada===
{{further|Gentrification of Vancouver}}
By the 1970s, investors in Toronto started buying up city houses—turning them into temporary [[rooming house]]s to make rental income until the desired price in the housing market for selling off the properties was reached (so that the rooming houses could be replaced with high income-oriented new housing)—a gentrification process called "blockbusting".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.urbancenter.utoronto.ca/pdfs/curp/1994_HistoryofRoomingHousesinToronto_Campsie.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/http://www.urbancenter.utoronto.ca/pdfs/curp/1994_HistoryofRoomingHousesinToronto_Campsie.pdf |archive-date=9 October 2022 |url-status=live |title=A Brief History of Rooming Houses in Toronto, 1972-94 |last=Campsie |first=Philippa |date=1994 |website=www.urbancenter.utoronto.ca |publisher=Rupert Community Residential Services|access-date=10 November 2018 }}</ref>

{{As of|2011}}, gentrification in Canada has proceeded quickly in older and denser cities such as [[Montreal]], [[Toronto]], [[Ottawa]], [[Hamilton, Ontario|Hamilton]] and [[Vancouver]], but has barely begun in places such as Calgary, Edmonton, or Winnipeg, where suburban expansion is still the primary type of growth.

Canada's unique history and official multiculturalism policy has resulted in a different strain of gentrification than that of the United States. Some gentrification in Toronto has been sparked by the efforts of business improvement associations to market the ethnic communities in which they operate, such as in Corso Italia and Greektown.<ref>{{harvnb|Hackworth |Rekers |2005}}{{page needed |date=May 2019}}</ref>

In [[Quebec City]], the [[Saint-Roch, Quebec City|Saint Roch]] neighbourhood in the city's lower town was previously predominantly working class and had gone through a period of decline. However, since the early to mid 2000s, the area has seen the transformation of the derelict buildings into condos and the opening of bars, restaurants and cafes, attracting young professionals into the area, but kicking out the residents from many generations back. Several software developers and gaming companies, such as Ubisoft and Beenox, have also opened offices there.

===France===
{{more citations needed|section|date=April 2019}}
In Paris, most poor neighborhoods in the east have seen rising prices and the arrival of many wealthy residents. However, the process is mitigated by social housing and most cities tend to favor a "social mix"; that is, having both low and high-income residents in the same neighborhoods. But in practice, social housing does not cater to the poorest segment of the population; most residents of social dwellings are from the low-end of the middle class. As a result, a lot of poor people have been forced to go first to the close suburbs (1970 to 2000) and then more and more to remote "periurban areas" where public transport is almost nonexistent. The close suburbs (Saint-Ouen, Saint Denis, Aubervilliers, ...) are now in the early stages of gentrification although still poor. A lot of high-profile companies offering well-paid jobs have moved near Saint-Denis and new real-estate programs are underway to provide living areas close to the new jobs.

On the other side, the eviction of the poorest people to periurban areas since 2000 has been analyzed as the main cause for the rising political far-right [[National Rally|National Front]]. When the poor lived in the close suburbs, their problems were very visible to the wealthy population. But the periurban population and its problem is mainly "invisible" from recent{{when|date=April 2019}} presidential campaign promises. These people have labelled themselves "les invisibles". Many of them fled both rising costs in Paris and nearby suburbs with an insecure and ugly environment to live in small houses in the countryside but close to the city. But they did not factor in the huge financial and human cost of having up to four hours of transportation every day. Since then, a lot has been invested in the close suburbs (with new public transports set to open and urban renewal programs) they fled, but almost nobody cares of these "invisible" plots of land. Since the close suburbs are now mostly inhabited by immigrants, these people have a strong resentment against immigration: They feel everything is done for new immigrants but nothing for the native French population.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Girard |first=Violaine |title=Le vote FN au village: trajectoires de ménages populaires du périurbain |date=2017 |publisher=Éditions du Croquant |isbn=978-2-36512-110-1 |series=Sociopo |location=Vulaines-sur-Seine}}</ref>

This has been first documented in the book ''Plaidoyer pour une gauche populaire'' by think-tank Terra-Nova which had a major influence on all contestants in the presidential election (and at least, Sarkozy, [[François Hollande]], and [[Marine Le Pen]]). This electorate voted overwhelmingly in favor of Marine Le Pen and Sarkozy while the city centers and close suburbs voted overwhelmingly for François Hollande.

Most major metropolises in France follow the same pattern with a belt of periurban development about 30 to 80&nbsp;kilometers of the center where a lot of poor people moved in and are now trapped by rising fuel costs. These communities have been disrupted by the arrival of new people and already suffered of high unemployment due to the dwindling numbers of industrial jobs.

In smaller cities, the suburbs are still the principal place where people live and the center is more and more akin to a commercial estate where a lot of commercial activities take place but where few people live.

=== Honduras ===
Generally in Honduras the phenomenon of gentrification had not been so widespread because it had been a nation with a less developed economy than other countries in the Latin American region, however this phenomenon has begun to grow exponentially in the last decade.  The main areas where the increase has been seen are the urban centers of its two most important cities, [[Tegucigalpa]] and [[San Pedro Sula]].<ref>{{Cite web |date=2018-06-21 |title=La expulsión "cool" de los pobres del centro de Tegucigalpa |url=https://contracorriente.red/2018/06/20/la-expulsion-cool-de-los-pobres-del-centro-de-tegucigalpa/ |access-date=2024-09-12 |language=es-ES}}</ref> In the last years Honduras has become an emerging destination for digital nomads, these travelers are often attracted by the tropical climate, natural beauty, low cost of living compared to their home countries, and the ability to work remotely from attractive locations.

Some of the places that have suffered this phenomenon are the [[Bay Islands Department|Bay islands]], [[Valle de Ángeles|Valle de Angeles]], Santa Lucia, and [[Copán Ruinas|Copan Ruinas]]. The main reasons for this phenomenon in Honduras are real estate companies, foreign investors, real estate agencies, [[expatriate]]s, and retirees. The case of the Bay Islands has been special due to the purchase of land mainly by high-income residents, hotel companies, and foreigners. Making the cost of housing for islanders more expensive and the cost of living has increased extensively, several fishing communities have denounced the increase in the cost of living in historically inhabited communities inhabited by them for generations. This phenomenon has even been seen in how more foreign currencies are used in the area, such as the [[dollar]], which is the most used on the islands.<ref>{{Cite web |last=CRUCE |first=REDACCIÓN DE |date=2024-05-12 |title=La gentrificación en las principales zonas turísticas de México y Honduras como una problemática socioeconómica |url=https://cruce.iteso.mx/la-gentrificacion-en-las-principales-zonas-turisticas-de-mexico-y-honduras-como-una-problematica-socioeconomica/ |access-date=2024-09-12 |website=CRUCE |language=es}}</ref>

As for the urban centers of the country, Teguciglapa has seen the rehabilitation of old wealthy buildings in the historic center for the so-called Digital Nomads. The construction of nerw [[condominium]]s has also accelerated this phenomenon in the city as they are centers with an expensive level of rental. As for San Pedro Sula, this phenomenon is seen more in the Los Andes neighborhood has been accommodated for this kind of travelers.<ref>{{Cite web |last=ALG |date=2016-09-08 |title=EL CENTRO HISTÓRICO DE TEGUCIGALPA, ENTRE LA GENTRIFICACIÓN Y LA DESIDIA |url=https://www.elpulso.hn/2016/09/08/el-centro-historico-de-tegucigalpa-entre-la-gentrificacion-y-la-desidia/ |access-date=2024-09-12 |website=El Pulso |language=es}}</ref>

===South Africa===
Gentrification in [[South Africa]] has been categorized into two waves for two different periods of time. Visser and Kotze find that the first wave occurred in the 1980s to the [[Post-apartheid|Post-Apartheid]] period, the second wave occurred during and after the 2000s.{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2567}} Both of these trends of gentrification has been analyzed and reviewed by scholars in different lenses. One view which Atkinson uses is that gentrification is purely the reflection of [[Middle class|middle-class]] values on to a [[Working class|working-class]] neighborhood.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=272}} The second view is the wider view is suggested by Visser and Kotze which views gentrification with inclusions of rural locations, infill housing, and luxury residency development.{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2567}} While Kotze and Visser find that gentrification has been under a provocative lens by media all over the world, South Africa's gentrification process was harder to identify because of the need to differentiate between gentrification and the change of conditions from the [[Apartheid]].{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2569}}

Furthermore, the authors note that the pre-conditions for gentrification where events like tertiary decentralization (suburbanization of the service industry) and [[capital flight]] ([[disinvestment]]) were occurring, which caused scholars to ignore the subject of gentrification due to the normality of the process.{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2569}} Additionally, Kotze and Visser found that as state-run programs and private redevelopment programs began to focus on the pursuit of "global competitiveness" and well-rounded prosperity, it hid the underlying foundations of gentrification under the guise of redevelopment.{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2586}} As a result, the effect is similar to what Teppo and Millstein coins as the pursuit to moralize the narrative to legitimize the benefit to all people.{{sfn|Lees|Shin|López-Morales|2015|p=433}} This concurrently created an effect where Visser and Kotze conclude that the perceived gentrification was only the fact that the target market was people commonly associated with gentrification.{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2589}} As Visser and Kotze states, "It appears as if apartheid red-lining on racial grounds has been replaced by a financially exclusive property market that entrenches prosperity and privilege."{{sfn|Visser|Kotze|2008|p=2585}}

Generally, Atkinson observes that when looking at scholarly discourse for the gentrification and rapid urbanization of South Africa, the main focus is not on the smaller towns of South Africa. This is a large issue because small towns are magnets for poorer people and repellants for skilled people.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=271}} In one study, Atkinson dives into research in a small town, [[Aberdeen, Eastern Cape|Aberdeen]] in the East Cape. Also as previously mentioned, Atkinson finds that this area has shown signs of gentrification. This is due to redevelopment which indicates clearly the reflection of middle-class values.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=272}} In this [[urbanization]] of the area, Atkinson finds that there is clear dependence on state-programs which leads to further development and growth of the area, this multiplier of the economy would present a benefit of gentrification.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=274}} The author then attributes the positive growth with the benefits in gentrification by examining the increase in housing opportunities.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=276}}

Then, by surveying the recent newcomers to the area, Atkinson's research found that there is confidence for local economic growth which further indicated shifts to middle-class values, therefore, gentrification.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=277}} This research also demonstrated growth in "modernizers" which demonstrate the general belief of gentrification where there is value for architectural heritage as well as urban development.{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=284}} Lastly, Atkinson's study found that the gentrification effects of growth can be accredited to the increase in unique or scarce skills to the municipality which revived interest in the growth of the local area. This gentrification of the area would then negative impact the poorer demographics where the increase in housing would displace and exclude them from receiving benefits. In conclusion, after studying the small town of Aberdeen, Atkinson finds that "Paradoxically, it is possible that gentrification could promote economic growth and employment while simultaneously increasing class inequality."{{sfn|Atkinson|2009|p=284}}

Historically, Garside notes that due to the Apartheid, the [[Inner city|inner cities]] of [[Cape Town]] was cleared of non-white communities. But because of the [[Group Areas Act]], some certain locations were controlled for such communities. Specifically, [[Woodstock, Cape Town|Woodstock]] has been a racially mixed community with a compilation of European settlers (such as the [[Afrikaners]] and the [[1820 Settlers]]), [[Eastern European Jews]], immigrants from [[Angola]] and [[Mozambique]], and the [[Coloureds|coloured]] [[Capetonian]]s. For generations, these groups lived in this area characterizing it be a working-class neighborhood.{{sfn|Garside |1993|p=31}} But as the times changed and restrictions were relaxed, Teppo and Millstein observes that the community became more and more "gray" as in a combination between white and mixed communities.{{sfn|Lees|Shin|López-Morales|2015|p=431}}

Then this progression continues to which Garside finds that an exaggeration as more middle-income groups moved into the area. This emigration resulted in a distinct split between Upper Woodstock and Lower Woodstock. Coupled with the emergence of a strong middle-class in South Africa, Woodstock became a destination for convenience and growth. While Upper Woodstock was a predominantly white area, Lower Woodstock then received the attention of the mixed middle-income community. This increase in demand for housing gave landlords incentives to raise prices to profit off of the growing wealth in the area. The 400-500% surge in the [[Real estate business|housing market]] for Woodstock thus displaced and excluded the working-class and retired who previously resided in the community.{{sfn|Garside |1993|p=33}} Furthermore, Garside states that the progression of gentrification was accentuated by the fact that most of the previous residents would only be renting their living space.{{sfn|Garside |1993|p=32}} Both Teppo and Millstein would find that this displacement of large swaths of communities would increase demand in other areas of Woodstock or inner city slums.{{sfn|Lees|Shin|López-Morales|2015|p=430}}

The ''[[Bo-Kaap]]'' pocket of [[Cape Town]] nestles against the slopes of Signal Hill. It has traditionally been occupied by members of South Africa's minority, mainly Muslim, [[Cape Malay]] community. These descendants of artisans and political captives, brought to the Cape as early as the 18th century as slaves and indentured workers, were housed in small barrack-like abodes on what used to be the outskirts of town. As the city limits increased, property in the Bo-Kaap became very sought after, not only for its location but also for its picturesque cobble-streets and narrow avenues. Increasingly, this close-knit community is "facing a slow dissolution of its distinctive character as wealthy outsiders move into the suburb to snap up homes in the City Bowl at cut-rate prices".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.vocfm.co.za/index.php?%26section%3Dnews%26category%3D%26vocnews%3D%26article%3D12096|title=Bo-Kaap gentrification sees residents evicted|website=Voice of the Cape|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110723235708/http://www.vocfm.co.za/index.php?&section=news&category=&vocnews=&article=12096|archive-date=23 July 2011|url-status=dead|access-date=13 July 2010}}</ref>  Inter-community conflict has also arisen as some residents object to the sale of buildings and the resultant eviction of long-term residents.

In another specific case, Millstein and Teppo discovered that working-class residents would become embattled with their landlords. On Gympie Street, which has been labeled as the most dangerous street in Cape Town, it was home to many of the working-class. But as gentrification occurred, landlords brought along tactics to evict low-paying [[tenants]] through non-payment clauses. One landlord who bought a building cheaply from an auction, immediately raised the rental price which would then proceed to court for [[eviction]]s. But, the tenants were able to group together to make a strong case to win. Regardless of the outcome, the landlord resorted to turning off both power and water in the building. The tenants then were exhausted out of motivation to fight. One tenant described it as similar to living in a shack which would be the future living space one displaced.{{sfn|Lees|Shin|López-Morales|2015|p=434}} Closing, the Teppo and Millstein's research established that gentrification's progress for urban development would coincide with a large displacement of the poorer communities which also excluded them from any benefits to gentrification. The authors state, "The end results are the same in both cases: in the aftermath of the South African negotiated revolution, the elite colonize the urban areas from those who are less privileged, claiming the city for themselves."{{sfn|Lees|Shin|López-Morales|2015|p=437}}

===Italy===
In [[Italy]], similarly to other countries around the world, the phenomenon of gentrification is proceeding in the largest cities, such as [[Milan]], [[Turin]], [[Genoa]] and [[Rome]].<ref name="ilfattoquotidiano">{{cite journal |last1=Balocco |first1=Fabio |date=28 October 2015 |title=Gentrification, il fenomeno che cambia l'aspetto delle nostre città |journal=Il Fatto Quotidiano |language=it |url=http://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2015/10/28/gentrification-il-fenomeno-che-cambia-laspetto-delle-nostre-citta/2163808/}}</ref><ref name="diappi">{{cite book |title=Rigenerazione urbana e ricambio sociale. Gentrification in atto nei quartieri storici italiani |last1=Diappi |first1=Lidia |date=2009 |publisher=Franco Angeli |isbn=9788856802665 |location=Milan |page=192 |language=it}}</ref>

In Milan, gentrification is changing the look of some semi-central neighborhoods, just outside the inner ring road (called "[[Walls of Milan#Spanish walls|Cerchia dei Bastioni]]"), particularly of former working class and industrial areas.
One of the most well known cases is the neighborhood of [[Isola (district of Milan)|Isola]]. Despite its position, this area has been for a long time considered as a suburb since it has been an isolated part of the city, due to the physical barriers such as the railways and the [[Naviglio Martesana]]. In the 1950s, a new [[Centro Direzionale di Milano|business district]] was built not far from this area, but Isola remained a distant and low-class area. In the 2000s vigorous efforts to make Isola as a symbolic place of the Milan of the future were carried out and, with this aim, the Porta Garibaldi-Isola districts became attractors for stylists and artists.<ref name="diappi" /><ref name="brizioli">{{cite web|url=http://www.globalist.it/Detail_News_Display?ID=68713&typeb=3&Storia-dell-Isola-il-quartiere-storico-che-vogliono-cancellare|title=Storia dell'Isola, il quartiere storico che vogliono cancellare|last1=Brizioli|first1=Antonio|website=Globalist.it|language=it|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160328131759/http://www.globalist.it/Detail_News_Display?ID=68713&typeb=3&Storia-dell-Isola-il-quartiere-storico-che-vogliono-cancellare|archive-date=28 March 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref> Moreover, in the second half of the same decade, a massive urban rebranding project, known as [[Porta Nuova (Milan)|Progetto Porta Nuova]], started and the neighbourhood of Isola, despite the compliances residents have had,<ref>{{Cite web |language=it |url=http://www.report.rai.it/dl/Report/puntata/ContentItem-5f35618b-f698-4bfe-b9a3-b953bdc18380.html |title=Report CARA MADUNINA |website=www.report.rai.it |access-date=20 March 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110220074337/http://www.report.rai.it/dl/Report/puntata/ContentItem-5f35618b-f698-4bfe-b9a3-b953bdc18380.html |archive-date=20 February 2011 |url-status=dead }}</ref> has been one of the regenerated areas, with the [[Bosco Verticale]] and the new Giardini di Porta Nuova.

Another semi-central district that has undergone this phenomenon in Milan is [[Zona Tortona]]. Former industrial area situated behind [[Milano Porta Genova railway station|Porta Genova station]], Zona Tortona is nowadays the Mecca of Italian design and annually hosts some of the most important events of the [[Milan Design Week]] during which more than 150 expositors, such as [[Superstudio]], take part.<ref name="mentelocale">{{cite web |url=http://milano.mentelocale.it/28696-zona-tortona-il-quartiere-di-milano-che-dalla-fabbrica-passa-a-moda-e-design/ |title=Zona Tortona: il quartiere di Milano che dalla fabbrica passa a moda e design |last1=Dispenza |first1=Andrea |website=Mentelocale.it |access-date=20 March 2016 |language=it |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160327070407/http://milano.mentelocale.it/28696-zona-tortona-il-quartiere-di-milano-che-dalla-fabbrica-passa-a-moda-e-design/ |archive-date=27 March 2016 |url-status=dead }}<br>{{cite web |url=http://www.tortonadesignweek.com/ |title=Tortona Design Week |language=it |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120211215733/http://www.tortonadesignweek.com/ |archive-date=11 February 2012 |url-status=dead }}</ref> In Zona Tortona, some of important landmarks, related to culture, design and arts, are located such as Fondazione [[Arnaldo Pomodoro|Pomodoro]], the [[Armani/Silos]], Spazio A and MUDEC.

Going towards the outskirts of the city, other gentrified areas of Milan are [[Lambrate|Lambrate-Ventura]] (where others events of the Milan Design Week are hosted),<ref name="giorgi">{{cite news|last1=Giorgi|first1=Anna|title=Lambrate sa di Londra, il quartiere torna a vivere con East Market|newspaper=Il Giorno|date=7 February 2016|url=http://www.ilgiorno.it/milano/lambrate-east-market-1.1710492|language=it}}<br>{{cite web|url=http://www.02blog.it/post/86467/lambrate-ventura-quartieri-milano|title=Lambrate Ventura: il quartiere cool del momento|last1=Signorelli|first1=Andrea|website=02blog.it|language=it|access-date=21 March 2016|date=15 June 2015}}</ref> [[Bicocca (district of Milan)|Bicocca]] and [[Bovisa]] (in which universities have contributed to the gentrification of the areas), [[Sesto San Giovanni]], Via Sammartini, and the so-called [[Piazzale Loreto|NoLo]] district (which means "Nord di Loreto").<ref name="arsuffi">{{cite web|url=http://blog.urbanfile.org/2016/03/18/milano-loreto-benvenuti-a-nolo/|title=Milano Loreto – Benvenuti a NoLo|last1=Arsuffi|first1=Roberto|website=Blog.urbanfile.org|language=it|access-date=21 March 2016|date=18 March 2016}}</ref>

===Poland===
In Poland, gentrification is proceeding mostly in the big cities like [[Warsaw]], [[Łódź]], [[Kraków]], [[Metropolis GZM]], [[Poznań]], and [[Wrocław]]. The reason of this is both de-industrialisation and poor condition of some residential areas.

The biggest European ongoing gentrification process has been occurring in [[Łódź]] from the beginning of the 2010s. Huge unemployment (24% in the 1990s) caused by the downfall of the garment industry created both economic and social problems. Moreover, vast majority of industrial and housing facilities had been constructed in the late 19th century and the renovation was neglected after [[World War II]]. [[Łódź]] authorities rebuilt the industrial district into the New City Center. This included re-purposing buildings including the former electrical power and heating station into the [[Łódź Fabryczna]] railway station and the [[EC1 Science Museum]].

There are other significant gentrifications in Poland, such as:

*[[Kraków]] – the Jewish district [[Kazimierz]], gentrification financed mostly by private investors.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1995/07/19/style/IHT-in-krakow-a-jewish-woodstock.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171113222957/http://www.nytimes.com/1995/07/19/style/19iht-pol.html|url-status=dead|title=In Krakow, a 'Jewish Woodstock'|first=Ruth Ellen|last=Gruber|date=19 July 1995|archive-date=13 November 2017|via=NYTimes.com}}</ref>
*[[Poznań]] – build up Law Department of [[Adam Mickiewicz University]] in the post military facility.
*[[Wrocław]] – [[Nadodrze]] and Nowe Żerniki districts; residential area drown upon the [[modernism]] concepts.
*[[Wałbrzych]], Julia coal mine – adaptation post-industrial buildings to art and cultural facilities.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://archirama.muratorplus.pl/architektura/rewitalizacja-starej-kopalni-w-walbrzychu,67_3803.html# |title=Rewitalizacja Starej Kopalni w Wałbrzychu |website=Archirama.muratorplus.pl |access-date=29 May 2018 |language=pl}}</ref>
*[[Warsaw]], [[Praga-Północ]] district.

Nowadays the Polish government has started National Revitalization Plan<ref>{{cite web |url=http://mib.gov.pl/files/0/1796888/NarodowyPlanRewitalizacjiZalozenia062014.pdf |title=Strona główna : Ministerstwo Infrastruktury |website=Mib.gov.pl |access-date=29 May 2018 |language=pl |archive-date=13 November 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171113222840/http://mib.gov.pl/files/0/1796888/NarodowyPlanRewitalizacjiZalozenia062014.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref> which ensures financial support to municipal gentrification programs.

===Russia===
Central Moscow rapidly gentrified following the change from the communist [[Gosplan|central-planning]] policies of the Soviet era to the market economy of the post-Soviet Russian government.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Badyina |first1=A. |last2=Golubchikov |first2=O. |s2cid=143525472 |date=2005 |title=Gentrification in central Moscow: A market process or a deliberate policy? Money, power and people in housing regeneration in Osozhenka |journal=Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography |volume=87 |issue=2 |pages=113–129 |jstor=3554305|doi=10.1111/j.0435-3684.2005.00186.x }}</ref>

===United States===
{{main|Gentrification in the United States}}
From a market standpoint, there are two main requirements that are met by the U.S. cities that undergo substantial effects of gentrification. These are: an excess supply of deteriorated housing in central areas, as well as a considerable growth in the availability of professional jobs located in central business districts. These conditions have been met in the U.S. largely as a result of suburbanization and other postindustrial phenomena. There have been three chronological waves of gentrification in the U.S. starting from the 1960s.<ref name="Quastel page needed">{{harvnb|Quastel|2009}}{{pages needed|date=April 2019}}</ref>

The first wave came in the 1960s and early 1970s, led by governments trying to reduce the disinvestment that was taking place in inner-city urban areas.<ref name="Quastel page needed"/> Additionally, starting in the 1960s and 1970s, U.S. industry has created a surplus of housing units as construction of new homes has far surpassed the rate of national household growth. However, the market forces that are dictated by an excess supply cannot fully explain the geographical specificity of gentrification in the U.S., for there are many large cities that meet this requirement and have not exhibited gentrification.

The missing link is another factor that can be explained by particular, necessary demand forces. In U.S. cities in the time period from 1970 to 1978, growth of the central business district at around 20% did not dictate conditions for gentrification, while growth at or above 33% yielded appreciably larger gentrification activity.<ref name="Lees page needed"/> Central business district growth will activate gentrification in the presence of a surplus in the inner city housing market. The 1970s brought the more "widespread" second wave of gentrification, and was sometimes linked to the development of artist communities like SoHo in New York.<ref name="Quastel page needed"/>

In the U.S., the conditions for gentrification were generated by the economic transition from manufacturing to [[Post-industrial society|post-industrial]] [[service economy|service economies]]. The post-[[World War II]] economy experienced a service revolution, which created white-collar jobs and larger opportunities for women in the work force, as well as an expansion in the importance of centralized administrative and cooperate activities. This increased the demand for inner city residences, which were readily available cheaply after much of the movement towards central city abandonment of the 1950s. The coupling of these movements is what became the trigger for the expansive gentrification of U.S. cities, including [[Atlanta]], [[Baltimore]], [[Boston]], [[Philadelphia]], [[St. Louis]], and [[Washington, D.C.]]<ref name="Lees page needed"/>

The third wave of gentrification occurred in most major cities in the late 1990s and was driven by large-scale developments, public-private partnerships, and government policies.<ref>{{harvnb|Quastel|2009}}{{pages needed |date=May 2019}};  {{harvnb|Hackworth |Rekers |2005}}{{pages needed |date=May 2019}}</ref> Measurement of the rate of gentrification during the period from 1990 to 2010 in 50 U.S. cities showed an increase in the rate of gentrification from 9% in the decade of the 1990s to 20% in the decade from 2000 to 2010 with 8% of the urban neighborhoods in the 50 cities being affected.

Cities with a rate of gentrification of ≈40% or more in the decade from 2000 to 2010 included:<ref name=GoverningRanking>{{cite web |last=Maciag |first=Mike |title=Gentrification in America Report: Where Gentrification Is Occurring |url=http://www.governing.com/gov-data/census/gentrification-in-cities-governing-report.html#citieslist |website=Governing.com |publisher=[[Governing (magazine)|Governing Magazine]] |access-date=28 February 2015 |date=February 2015}}</ref>
* [[Portland, Oregon]] 58.1%
* [[Washington, D.C.]] 51.9%
* [[Minneapolis]] 50.6%
* [[Seattle]] 50%
* [[Atlanta]] 46.2%
* [[Virginia Beach, Virginia|Virginia Beach]] 46.2%
* [[Denver]] 42.1%
* [[Austin, Texas|Austin]] 39.7%

Cities with a rate of less than 10% in the decade from 2000 to 2010 included:<ref name=GoverningRanking />
* [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] 8.8%
* [[Tucson, Arizona|Tucson]] 8.3%
* [[Tulsa, Oklahoma|Tulsa]] 7%
* [[Cleveland]] 6.7%
* [[Detroit]] 2.8%
* [[Las Vegas]] 2%
* [[El Paso, Texas|El Paso]] 0%
* [[Arlington, Texas]] 0%