Editing Spiro Agnew (section)

===Criminal investigation and resignation===
{{external media| float = right| video1 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?178436-1/30th-anniversary-spiro-agnew-resignation Presentation by George Beall on the 30th anniversary of the Agnew resignation, September 30, 2003], [[C-SPAN]]|video2 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?456867-1/qa-ron-liebman-tim-baker ''Q&A'' interview with then-Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ron Liebman and Tim Baker on their experiences prosecuting Agnew, February 3, 2019], [[C-SPAN]]}}
In early 1972, [[George Beall (attorney)|George Beall]], the United States Attorney for the District of Maryland, opened an investigation of corruption in Baltimore County, involving public officials, architects, engineering firms, and paving contractors.<ref name="Sandomir">{{cite news|last1=Sandomir|first1=Richard|title=George Beall, Prosecutor Who Brought Down Agnew, Dies at 79|url=https://nyti.ms/2jAYxBH|access-date=September 7, 2017|newspaper=The New York Times|date=January 18, 2017|author-link=Richard Sandomir|archive-date=December 16, 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191216170638/https://nyti.ms/2jAYxBH|url-status=live}}</ref> Beall's target was the then-current political leadership in Baltimore County.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=15}} There were rumors that Agnew might be involved, which Beall initially discounted; Agnew had not been county executive since December 1966, so any wrongdoing potentially committed while he held that office could not be prosecuted because the [[statute of limitations]] had expired. As part of the investigation, Lester Matz's engineering firm was served with a [[subpoena duces tecum|subpoena for documents]], and through his counsel he sought immunity in exchange for cooperation in the investigation. Matz had been kicking back to Agnew five percent of the value of contracts received through his influence, first county contracts during his term in Towson, and subsequently state contracts while Agnew was governor.<ref name="Sandomir"/>{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=6}}

Investigative reporters and Democratic operatives had pursued rumors that Agnew had been corrupt during his years as a Maryland official, but had been unable to substantiate them.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=155–156}} In February 1973, Agnew heard of the investigation and had Attorney General [[Richard Kleindienst]] contact Beall.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=53}} The vice president's personal attorney, George White, visited Beall, who stated that Agnew was not under investigation, and that prosecutors would do their best to protect Agnew's name.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=127}} In June, Matz's attorney disclosed to Beall that his client could show that Agnew not only had been corrupt, but that payments to him had continued into his vice presidency. The statute of limitations would not prevent Agnew from being prosecuted for these later payments.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|pp=80–91}} On July 3, Beall informed the new Attorney General, [[Elliot Richardson]]. At the end of the month Nixon, through his [[White House Chief of Staff|chief of staff]], [[Alexander Haig]], was informed. Agnew had already met with both Nixon and Haig to assert his innocence. On August 1, Beall sent a letter to Agnew's attorney, formally advising that the vice president was under investigation for tax fraud and corruption.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|pp=127–128}} Matz was prepared to testify that he had met with Agnew at the White House and given him $10,000 in cash{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p= 161}} Another witness, Jerome B. Wolff, head of Maryland's road commission, had extensive documentation that detailed, as Beall put it, "every corrupt payment he participated in with then-Governor Agnew".<ref name="Sandomir"/>

Richardson, whom Nixon had ordered to take personal responsibility for the investigation, met with Agnew and his attorneys on August 6 to outline the case, but Agnew denied culpability, saying the selection of Matz's firm had been routine, and the money was a campaign contribution. The story broke in ''[[The Wall Street Journal]]'' later that day.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 164–166}} Agnew publicly proclaimed his innocence and on August 8 held a press conference at which he called the stories "damned lies".{{sfn|Feerick|2014|p=128}} Nixon, at a meeting on August 7, assured Agnew of his complete confidence, but Haig visited Agnew at his office and suggested that if the charges could be sustained, Agnew might want to take action before being indicted. By this time, the Watergate investigation that would lead to Nixon's resignation was well advanced. For the next two months, fresh revelations in each scandal were almost daily fare in the newspapers.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|p=128}}

Under increasing pressure to resign, Agnew took the position that a sitting vice president could not be indicted and met with Speaker of the House [[Carl Albert]] on September 25, asking for an investigation. He cited as precedent an 1826 House investigation of Vice President [[John C. Calhoun]], who was alleged to have taken improper payments while a cabinet member. Albert, second in line to the presidency under Agnew, responded that it would be improper for the House to act in a matter before the courts.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|pp=253–257}} Agnew also filed a motion to block any indictment on the grounds that he had been prejudiced by improper leaks from the Justice Department, and tried to rally public opinion, giving a speech before a friendly audience in Los Angeles asserting his innocence and attacking the prosecution.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|pp=257–271}} Nevertheless, Agnew entered into negotiations for a [[plea bargain]] on the condition that he would not serve jail time.<ref name=podcast>{{Cite web|url=https://www.nbcnews.com/msnbc/maddow-bag-man-podcast/bag-man-episode-7-sources-n943261|title=Bag Man Episode 7 Sources|website=NBC News|date=December 4, 2018 |language=en|access-date=October 18, 2019|archive-date=October 19, 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191019213040/https://www.nbcnews.com/msnbc/maddow-bag-man-podcast/bag-man-episode-7-sources-n943261|url-status=live}}</ref> He wrote in his memoirs that he entered the plea bargain because he was worn out from the extended crisis, to protect his family, and because he feared he could not get a fair trial.{{Sfn|Agnew|1980|pp=146–147}} He made his decision on October 5, and plea negotiations took place over the following days. On October 9, Agnew visited Nixon at the White House and informed the President of his impending resignation.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|p=132}}

{{anchor|Resignation}}<!-- as an alternative to removing "and resignation" from the heading of this section and inserting this as a section heading here -->

[[File:Spiro Agnew's letter of resignation (photocopy initialled by Henry Kissinger).jpg|thumb|upright|alt=Typed letter on vice-presidential headed notepaper. Ddated October 10, 1973, it reads 'The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger The Secretary of State Washington, D. C. 20520 – Dear Mr. Secretary: I hereby resign the Office of Vice President of the United States, effective immediately. – Sincerely,' and is hand signed 'Spiro T. Agnew'. It carries the text '1405 HK', added by a second hand. |Photocopy of Agnew's letter of resignation, initialled and timed "1405" by Henry Kissinger. The initialled photocopy was returned to Agnew; the original is lost.]]

On October 10, 1973, Agnew appeared before the federal court in Baltimore, and pleaded ''[[nolo contendere]]'' (no contest) to one felony charge, tax evasion, for the year 1967. Richardson agreed that there would be no further prosecution of Agnew, and released a 40-page summary of the evidence. Agnew was fined $10,000 and placed on three years' unsupervised probation. Immediately prior to entering court, Agnew had an aide submit his formal letter of resignation to the Secretary of State, [[Henry Kissinger]], and sent a letter to Nixon stating he was resigning in the best interest of the nation. Nixon responded with a letter concurring that the resignation was necessary to avoid a lengthy period of division and uncertainty, and applauding Agnew for his patriotism and dedication to the welfare of the United States.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|pp=132–133}}