Editing Robert II of France (section)

====Fleury Abbey and the rise of the monastic movement====
{{main|Cluniac Reforms}}
The reign of [[Hugh Capet]] was that of the episcopate; that of Robert II was otherwise. Since the Council of [[Verzy]] (991–992), the Capetians had been at the heart of a political-religious crisis which opposed, on the one hand, someone close to power, Bishop Arnoul II of Orléans, and on the other [[Abbo of Fleury]].{{efn|However, it would have been wrong to think that Hugh Capet was completely foreign to the Cluniac movement. He was very a good friend of Abbot [[Majolus of Cluny]], on whose tomb he went to meditate some time before his own death.{{sfn|Sassier|1987|p=265}}}}

In these troubled times (10th–11th centuries), there was the revival of [[monasticism]] which was characterized by the desire to reform the Church, a return to the Benedictine tradition, and a fleeting revival of the days of [[Louis the Pious]] by [[Benedict of Aniane]]. Their role was to repair "the sins of the people". The monks quickly met with great success: kings and counts attracted them to them and endowed them richly in land (often confiscated from enemies), in objects of all kinds, and the great abbots were called to purify certain places. Thus [[William of Volpiano|Guglielmo da Volpiano]] was called by Duke [[Richard II, Duke of Normandy|Richard II of Normandy]] to [[Fécamp]] (1001). Under the aegis of [[Cluny]], the monasteries were increasingly seeking to free themselves from episcopal supervision, in particular Fleury-sur-Loire. Moreover, abbots went to Rome between 996 and 998 to claim privileges of exemption from the Pope.<ref>Dominique Iogna-Prat, ''Entre anges et hommes: les moines "doctrinaires" de l'an Mil'' (in French). ''La France de l'an Mil'', Seuil, Paris, 1990, pp. 245–246.</ref> In the southern regions of the kingdom, Cluny and other establishments, peace movements were disseminated with the help of certain ecclesiastics who hoped for a strengthening of their power: [[Odilo of Cluny|Odilo]], supported by his relatives, worked in close collaboration with the bishop of [[Le Puy-en-Velay|Puy]] to begin the [[Peace and Truce of God#Truce of God|Truce of God]] in [[Auvergne]] (ca. 1030). Nevertheless, in the northern provinces, Cluny did not have good press. Here the bishops were at the head of powerful counties and the intervention of the Cluniac movement could harm them. [[Adalberon (bishop of Laon)|Ascelin of Laon]] and [[Gerard of Florennes|Gerard of Cambrai]] did not like the monks whom they considered to be impostors. Moreover, on the side of the bishops, there was no lack of criticism against the monks: thus they were accused of having an opulent life, of having unnatural sexual activities and of wearing luxury clothes (the example of the Abbot Mainard of [[Saint-Maur-des-Fossés]] is detailed). On the side of the regulars, examples against the bishops abounded: it was said that the prelates were very rich (trafficking in sacred objects, [[simony]]) and dominated as true warlords. Abbo of Fleury, the leader of the monastic reform movement, set an example by trying to go and pacify and discipline the monastery of [[La Réole]], where he would be killed in a fight in 1004.{{efn|In 909–910, [[William I, Duke of Aquitaine|William I the Pious, Duke of Aquitaine]], founded Cluny, without the authorization of the bishop, receiving exemption from the Pope.{{sfn|Barthélemy|1990|pp=56–60}}{{sfn|Theis|1999|pp=91–94}}}}

The strength of Fleury and Cluny were their respective intellectual centers: the first retained in the 11th century more than 600 manuscripts from all walks of life, and Abbot Abbo himself wrote numerous treatises, the fruit of distant trips, notably to England, upon which he reflected (for example, on the role of the ideal prince); the second, through Rodulphus Glaber, was a place where history was written. Hugh Capet and Robert II, solicited by the two parties (episcopal and monastic), received the complaint from Abbo who denounced the actions of a layman, Lord Arnoul of Yèvres, who would have erected a tower without royal authorization and above all would have submitted by force the peasant communities that belong to the Abbey of Fleury. Bishop Arnoul II of Orléans, the uncle of Arnulf of Yèvres, said meanwhile that his nephew (???), for the King needed support to fight against Count [[Odo I of Blois]]. Finally, a negotiation took place under the chairmanship of Robert II and a diploma dated in Paris in 994 temporarily put an end to the quarrel.{{sfn|Iogna-Prat|1990|pp=252–253}}{{sfn|Theis|1999|pp=96–97}} Abbo was then denounced as a "corrupter" and summoned to a royal assembly. He wrote a letter for the event entitled "Apologetic Book against Bishop Arnoul of Orléans" (''Livre apologétique contre l'évêque Arnoul d'Orléans''), which he addressed to Robert II, reputed to be literate and steeped in religious culture. The Abbot of Fleury seized the opportunity to claim the protection of the sovereign, who responded favorably. The traditional Carolingian episcopate then felt abandoned by royalty and threatened by the monks. This situation would be reinforced with the death of Hugh Capet in the fall of 996.{{efn|Once he became the sole sovereign, Robert II renewed his advisers, and his father's team (Bouchard of Vendôme, Gerbert of Aurillac and Arnoul of Orléans) no longer had any reason to exist. We also know today that, to defend himself, Abbo had falsified an exemption charter in 997 (a practice which was common in certain religious establishments and for a long time).{{sfn|Theis|1999|pp=100–103}}{{sfn|Iogna-Prat|1990|p=252}}}} Robert II was now more tempted by monastic culture than by episcopal and pontifical power which still remained largely the servant of the [[Holy Roman Empire]]. In parallel with these factional struggles, we also know that bishops and abbots found themselves alongside the counts to ensure that their legal immunities were respected.