Editing Cultural Revolution (section)

===PLA encroachment===
[[File:Mao Zedong and Lin Biao during the 1967 May Day parade.jpg|thumb|upright=1.81|Mao (left) and Lin (right) in 1967, riding in the back of a vehicle during an [[International Workers' Day]] parade|center]]

Mao's efforts at re-organizing party and state institutions generated mixed results. The situation in some of the provinces remained volatile, even as the political situation in Beijing stabilized. Factional struggles, many violent, continued at a local level despite the declaration that the 9th National Congress marked a temporary victory for the CR.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|316}} Furthermore, despite Mao's efforts to put on a show of unity at the Congress, the factional divide between Lin's PLA camp and the Jiang-led radical camp was intensifying. Indeed, a personal dislike of Jiang drew many civilian leaders, including Chen, closer to Lin.<ref name="Jin">{{cite book |last=Jin |first=Qiu |title=The Culture of Power: Lin Biao and the Cultural Revolution |publisher=Stanford University Press |year=1999 |isbn=978-0804735292}}</ref>{{rp|115}}

Between 1966 and 1968, China was isolated internationally, having declared its enmity towards both the USSR and the US. The friction with the USSR intensified after [[Sino-Soviet border conflict|border clashes]] on the [[Ussuri River]] in March 1969 as Chinese leaders prepared for all-out war.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|317}} In June 1969, the PLA's enforcement of political discipline and suppression of the factions that had emerged during the Cultural Revolution became intertwined with the central Party's efforts to accelerate [[Third Front (China)|Third Front]]. Those who did not return to work would be viewed as engaging in 'schismatic activity' which risked undermining preparations to defend China from potential invasion.<ref name="Meyskens2020" />{{rp|150–151}}

In October 1969, the Party attempted to focus more on war preparedness and less on suppressing factions.<ref name="Meyskens2020" />{{rp|151}} That month, senior leaders were evacuated from Beijing. Amid the tension, Lin issued the "[[Order Number One (Lin Biao)|Order Number One]]", which appeared to be an executive order to prepare for war to the PLA's eleven [[Military regions of the People's Liberation Army|military regions]] on October 18 without going through Mao. This drew the ire of the chairman, who saw it as evidence that his declared successor was usurping his authority.<ref name="Mac" />{{rp|317}}

The prospect of war elevated the PLA to greater prominence in domestic politics, increasing Lin's stature at Mao's expense.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|321}} Some evidence suggests that Mao was pushed to seek closer relations with the US as a means to avoid PLA dominance that would result from a military confrontation with the Soviet Union.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|321}} During his later meeting with [[Richard Nixon]] in 1972, Mao hinted that Lin had opposed better relations with the U.S.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|322}}

==== Restoration of State Chairman position ====
{{Main|Abolition of the presidency in China}}
[[File:前中共國家主席劉少奇在文革中被鬥爭，並遭軟禁折磨，終於病逝河南，其遺體被秘密火化.jpg|thumb|PRC Chairman (President) Liu Shaoqi on his deathbed in 1969]]
After Lin was confirmed as Mao's successor, his supporters focused on the restoration of the position of State Chairman,{{Notetag|This position, effectively China's de jure [[List of state representatives of the People's Republic of China|state representative]], was renamed "President" in 1982.}} which had been abolished by Mao after Liu's purge. They hoped that by allowing Lin to ease into a constitutionally sanctioned role, whether Chairman or vice-chairman, Lin's succession would be institutionalized. The consensus within the [[Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party|Politburo]] was that Mao should assume the office with Lin as vice-chairman; but perhaps wary of Lin's ambitions or for other unknown reasons, Mao voiced his explicit opposition.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|327}}

Factional rivalries intensified at the Second Plenum of the Ninth Congress in Lushan held in late August 1970. Chen, now aligned with the PLA faction loyal to Lin, galvanized support for the restoration of the office of President of China, despite Mao's wishes. Moreover, Chen launched an assault on Zhang, a staunch Maoist who embodied the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, over the evaluation of Mao's legacy.<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|328–331}}

The attacks on Zhang found favour with many Plenum attendees and may have been construed by Mao as an indirect attack on the CR. Mao confronted Chen openly, denouncing him as a "false Marxist",<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|332}} and removed him from the Politburo Standing Committee. In addition to the purge of Chen, Mao asked Lin's principal generals to write self-criticisms on their political positions as a warning to Lin. Mao also inducted several of his supporters to the Central Military Commission and placed loyalists in leadership roles of the [[Beijing Military Region]].<ref name=Mac/>{{rp|332}}