Editing Henry VIII (section)

=== Reformation ===
{{Main|English Reformation}}
[[File:King Henry VIII of England and Pope Clement VII.jpg|thumb|Henry VIII sitting with his feet upon [[Clement VII]], 1641]]

Henry is generally credited with initiating the English Reformation{{Snd}}the process of transforming England from a Catholic country to a Protestant one{{Snd}}though his progress at the elite and mass levels is disputed,<ref>{{Cite web |date=1997 |title=Competing Narratives: Recent Historiography of the English Reformation under Henry VIII |url=http://gregscouch.homestead.com/files/Henry8.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://archive.today/20130615214144/http://gregscouch.homestead.com/files/Henry8.html |archive-date=15 June 2013 |access-date=14 April 2013}}</ref> and the precise narrative not widely agreed upon.<ref name="elton103">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|pp=103–107}}</ref> Certainly, in 1527, Henry, until then an observant and well-informed Catholic, appealed to the Pope for an annulment of his marriage to Catherine.<ref name="elton103"/> No annulment was immediately forthcoming, since the papacy was now under the control of Charles V, Catherine's nephew.<ref name="elton110">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|pp=110–112}}</ref> The traditional narrative gives this refusal as the trigger for Henry's rejection of [[papal supremacy]], which he had previously defended. Yet as [[Llewellyn Woodward|E. L. Woodward]] put it, Henry's determination to annul his marriage with Catherine was the occasion rather than the cause of the [[English Reformation]] so that "neither too much nor too little" should be made of the annulment.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Woodward |first=Llewellyn |title=A History Of England |date=1965 |publisher=Methuen & Co Ltd |location=London |page=73}}</ref> Historian [[A. F. Pollard]] has argued that even if Henry had not needed an annulment, he might have come to reject papal control over the governance of England purely for political reasons. Indeed, Henry needed a son to secure the [[Tudor Dynasty]] and avert the risk of civil war over disputed succession.{{Sfn|Pollard|1905|pp=230–238}}

In any case, between 1532 and 1537, Henry instituted a number of statutes that dealt with the relationship between king and pope and hence the structure of the nascent [[Church of England]].{{Sfn|Bernard|2005|p=missing}} These included the [[Statute in Restraint of Appeals]] (passed 1533), which extended the charge of ''[[praemunire]]'' against all who introduced papal bulls into England, potentially exposing them to the death penalty if found guilty.<ref name="bernard71">{{Harvnb|Bernard|2005|p=71}}</ref> Other acts included the [[Supplication against the Ordinaries]] and the [[Submission of the Clergy]], which recognised Royal Supremacy over the church. The [[Ecclesiastical Appointments Act 1534]] required the clergy to elect bishops nominated by the Sovereign. The [[Act of Supremacy]] in 1534 declared that the King was "the only Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England" and the [[Treasons Act 1534]] made it high treason, punishable by death, to refuse the [[Oath of Supremacy]] acknowledging the King as such. Similarly, following the passage of the Act of Succession 1533, all adults in the kingdom were required to acknowledge the Act's provisions (declaring Henry's marriage to Anne legitimate and his marriage to Catherine illegitimate) by oath;{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=185}} those who refused were subject to imprisonment for life, and any publisher or printer of any literature alleging that the marriage to Anne was invalid subject to the death penalty.<ref name="bernard2005">{{Harvnb|Bernard|2005|pp=70–71}}</ref> Finally, the [[Act Concerning Peter's Pence and Dispensations|Peter's Pence Act]] was passed, and it reiterated that England had "no superior under God, but only your [[His Grace|Grace]]" and that Henry's "imperial crown" had been diminished by "the unreasonable and uncharitable usurpations and exactions" of the Pope.{{Sfn|Lehmberg|1970|p=missing}} The King had much support from the Church under Cranmer.{{Sfn|Bernard|2005|p=195}}

[[File:Henry VIII in Parliament.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.85|A 16th-century depiction of the [[Parliament of England|Parliament]] of King Henry VIII]]
To Cromwell's annoyance, Henry insisted on parliamentary time to discuss questions of faith, which he achieved through the Duke of Norfolk. This led to the passing of the [[Act of Six Articles]], whereby six major questions were all answered by asserting the religious orthodoxy, thus restraining the reform movement in England.<ref name="elton289"/> It was followed by the beginnings of a reformed [[liturgy]] and of the [[Book of Common Prayer]], which would take until 1549 to complete.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=291}} But this victory for religious conservatives did not convert into much change in personnel, and Cranmer remained in his position.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=297}} Overall, the rest of Henry's reign saw a subtle movement away from religious orthodoxy, helped in part by the deaths of prominent figures from before the break with Rome, especially the executions of Thomas More and John Fisher in 1535 for refusing to renounce papal authority. Henry established a new [[political theology]] of obedience to the crown that continued for the next decade. It reflected Martin Luther's new interpretation of the [[Ten commandments#Catholic and Lutheran Christianity|fourth commandment]] ("Honour thy father and mother"), brought to England by [[William Tyndale]]. The founding of royal authority on the [[Ten Commandments]] was another important shift: reformers within the Church used the Commandments' emphasis on faith and the word of God, while conservatives emphasised the need for dedication to God and doing good. The reformers' efforts lay behind the publication of the [[Great Bible]] in 1539 in English.{{Sfn|Rex|1996|pp=863–894}} Protestant Reformers still faced persecution, particularly over objections to Henry's annulment. Many fled abroad, including the influential Tyndale,{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=3177}} who was eventually executed and his body burned at Henry's behest.

When taxes once payable to Rome were transferred to the Crown, Cromwell saw the need to assess the taxable value of the Church's extensive holdings as they stood in 1535. The result was an extensive compendium, the ''[[Valor Ecclesiasticus]]''.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=232–233}} In September 1535, Cromwell commissioned a more general visitation of religious institutions, to be undertaken by four appointee visitors. The visitation focused almost exclusively on the country's religious houses, with largely negative conclusions.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=233}} In addition to reporting back to Cromwell, the visitors made the lives of the monks more difficult by enforcing strict behavioural standards. The result was to encourage self-dissolution.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=233–234}} In any case, the evidence Cromwell gathered led swiftly to the beginning of the state-enforced [[dissolution of the monasteries]], with all religious houses worth less than £200 vested by statute in the crown in January 1536.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=234–235}} After a short pause, surviving religious houses were transferred one by one to the Crown and new owners, and the dissolution confirmed by a further statute in 1539. By January 1540 no such houses remained; 800 had been dissolved. The process had been efficient, with minimal resistance, and brought the crown some £90,000 a year.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=235–236}} The extent to which the dissolution of all houses was planned from the start is debated by historians; there is some evidence that major houses were originally intended only to be reformed.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=236–237}} Cromwell's actions transferred a fifth of England's landed wealth to new hands. The programme was designed primarily to create a landed gentry beholden to the crown, which would use the lands much more efficiently.{{Sfn|Stöber|2007|p=190}} Although little opposition to the supremacy could be found in England's religious houses, they had links to the international church and were an obstacle to further religious reform.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=238}}

Response to the reforms was mixed. The religious houses had been the only support of the impoverished,{{Sfn|Meyer|2010|pp=254–256}} and the reforms alienated much of the populace outside London, helping to provoke the great northern rising of 1536–37, known as the Pilgrimage of Grace.{{Sfn|Meyer|2010|pp=269–272}} Elsewhere the changes were accepted and welcomed, and those who clung to Catholic rites kept quiet or moved in secrecy. They reemerged during the reign of Henry's daughter Mary (1553–58).