Editing First Triumvirate (section)

=== Collapse, 52–49&nbsp;BC ===
The death of [[Julia (daughter of Caesar)|Julia]] did not mark an immediate collapse in the alliance between Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar.{{sfnm|Drogula|2019|1pp=200–01|Gruen|1995|2p=450}} The view that her death made a confrontation inevitable is held by a number of ancient sources,<ref>{{harvnb|Gruen|1995|p=450 n. 4|ps=, citing Vell. Pat. 2.47.2; Val. Max. 4.6.4; Lucan 1.98–120; Florus 2.13.13; Plut. ''Pomp.'' 53.4–7; Plut. ''Caes.'' 28.1; Dio 40.44.2–3.}}</ref> but is no longer uncritically accepted by modern scholars.<ref>Eg {{harvnb|Gruen|1995|p=450}}; {{harvnb|Drogula|2019|p=200}}; {{harvnb|Russell|2015}}.</ref> Nor did his election as sole consul in 52&nbsp;BC mark an immediate collapse in their alliance.{{sfn|Drogula|2019|p=218}} During Pompey's sole consulship, he married [[Cornelia Metella]], the daughter of [[Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio]], but this too was not a break with Caesar (as implied by Velleius Paterclus).{{sfnm|Drogula|2019|1p=218|Gruen|1995|2p=154}} The death of Crassus in early 53&nbsp;BC, however, did mark the conversion of a balanced three-person alliance into what would turn into a dyadic rivalry. Pompey's marriage in 52&nbsp;BC and his another law reaffirming the requirement to declare candidacy for office in person "did not actually harm Caesar directly" but indicated his willingness to build alliances with other, formerly closed off, political groupings.{{sfn|Drogula|2019|p=223}}

Cato stood for the consulship of 51&nbsp;BC. But after running an honest campaign with little bribery and promises to recall Caesar from Gaul, his canvass was rejected by the people.{{sfn|Tatum|2006|p=206}} Elected instead were [[Marcus Claudius Marcellus]] and [[Servius Sulpicius Rufus]]. The former was an enemy of Caesar and raised in 51&nbsp;BC the question of stripping Caesar of his command,{{sfn|Wiseman|1992|p=415}} arguing that because of Caesar's victory at Alesia, his ''provincia'' (here meaning "task") in Gaul was completed.{{sfnm|Drogula|2019|1p=233|Morstein-Marx|2021|2p=270}} His effort was vetoed; Pompey, too, objected, arguing that removing Caesar before the summer of 50&nbsp;BC would not respect his dignity.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=270}}

At the elections for the magistrates of 50&nbsp;BC, Caesar's ally [[Gaius Scribonius Curio (tribune 50 BC)|Gaius Scribonius Curio]] was elected tribune; [[Gaius Claudius Marcellus (consul 50 BC)|Gaius Claudius Marcellus]] and [[Lucius Aemilius Paullus (consul 50 BC)|Lucius Aemilius Paullus]] were returned as consuls-designate.{{sfn|Wiseman|1992|p=415}} While Paullus was induced by a massive bribe (Caesar funded his renovation of the ''[[basilica Aemilia]]''),{{sfn|Wiseman|1992|pp=415–16}} Paullus remained only neutral.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=278}} By late 51&nbsp;BC, the coming showdown became clearer: Caesar would induce tribunes to veto discussion of his replacement in Gaul – leaving him in command – while Cato and his conservatives sought to enlist Pompey to defend against any Caesarian threats and deny Caesar any honours.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|pp=272–73}} However, Pompey did not immediately come around to breaking with Caesar: he needed Caesar's support to secure a possible command against the Parthians as concerns rose that year over a possible counter-invasion following Crassus' defeat.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|pp=273–74}}

In the new year, in March 50&nbsp;BC, one of the new consuls, Gaius Claudius Marcellus, raised the question of Caesar's command again. His efforts were vetoed by Curio, however, and the consuls responded by putting a hold on all provincial discussions, in an attempt to force Curio to lift it.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|pp=274–75}} This veto, perhaps a mistake or possibly made with knowledge that Pompey was hostile to Caesar's standing for election ''in absentia'' with his army – which would have been seen as intimidating – started the crisis.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|pp=276–77}} Caesar, knowing that Pompey was reconciling with Cato and Bibulus, was unable to trust him to stick to his word, especially if giving up his command would open him to possibly having his candidacy and triumph rejected by the unfriendly consuls.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=277}}{{efn|Such was the fate of Caesar's ally in the elections in 50&nbsp;BC: Caesar supported [[Servius Sulpicius Galba (praetor 54 BC)|Servius Sulpicius Galba]], who was defeated even though he had the most votes.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=278}}}} Caesar rejected a senatorial compromise which would have had Caesar stand for the consulship in 50 without giving up his command or armies, likely because he did not trust Pompey and the consuls to uphold their end of the bargain.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=278}}

The proposal of Curio that both men lay down their commands also was rejected, this time by Pompey, who saw it as a personal affront. While the proposal was approved by the senate overwhelmingly, Pompey's refusal and Caesar's militating against his Spanish command sapped trust between the two men.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=281}} After Pompey's illness in early summer – which triggered spontaneous prayers for his health that he interpreted as support if he were to engage in civil conflict{{sfn|Tatum|2006|p=207}} – he proposed acceptance, but by this point, Caesar and his partisans were unable to trust Pompey also to hold his end of the bargain and give up his command if Caesar did so first.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=283}} When two legions were transferred from Caesar's Gallic armies to Italy, on the pretext of use against Parthia (a threat that did not materialise), Caesar's trust in Pompey was shaken again.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=284–85}} At the elections, Caesar supported [[Servius Sulpicius Galba (praetor 54 BC)|Servius Sulpicius Galba]] and [[Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Crus]]: elected were [[Gaius Claudius Marcellus (consul 49 BC)|Gaius Claudius Marcellus]] (homonymous cousin of the consul of 50&nbsp;BC) and Crus, who quickly defected from Caesar's cause.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|p=287}}

As consul Gaius Claudius Marcellus started military preparations with the clear purpose of opposing Caesar's triumphal return{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|pp=292, 297, 299}} and with Caesar unable to trust Pompey or his loose Catonian allies to hold to his word and vice versa, neither side wanted to make concessions in fear that the other would not reciprocate.<ref>{{harvnb|Rawson|1992|p=428|ps=, asking rhetorically, even if Caesar received all his desired concessions as promises, "was this a promise they [Cato's ''factio''] could be trusted to keep?"}}</ref> Moreover, each side was confident that it held the superior position, expecting the other to give way.{{sfn|Tatum|2006|p=207}} By January 49&nbsp;BC, this spiralled into a [[Caesar's Civil War|civil war]] that neither side, Cato's partisans excepted, seemed to have wanted.{{sfn|Morstein-Marx|2021|pp=258–59, 259 ("the same cannot be said [not wanting civil war] of Caesar's bitterest enemies clustered around Cato")}}