Editing Susan B. Anthony (section)

==Activism==
===Early social activism===
{{Quote box|width=40%|quote=Cautious, careful people, always casting about to preserve their reputation and social standing, never can bring about a reform. Those who are really in earnest must be willing to be anything or nothing in the world's estimation, and publicly and privately, in season and out, avow their sympathy with despised and persecuted ideas and their advocates, and bear the consequences.|source=Susan B. Anthony, 1860<ref>Harper (1898), [https://archive.org/details/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog/page/196/mode/2up?view=theater p. 197].</ref>}}

Anthony embarked on her career of social reform with energy and determination. Schooling herself in reform issues, she found herself drawn to the more radical ideas of people like [[William Lloyd Garrison]], [[George Thompson (abolitionist)|George Thompson]] and [[Elizabeth Cady Stanton]]. Soon she was wearing the controversial [[Bloomers (clothing)|Bloomer dress]], consisting of pantaloons worn under a knee-length dress. Although she felt it was more sensible than the traditional heavy dresses that dragged the ground, she reluctantly quit wearing it after a year because it gave her opponents the opportunity to focus on her apparel rather than her ideas.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 60–61, 82.</ref>

====Partnership with Elizabeth Cady Stanton====
[[File:Elizabeth Cady Stanton by HB Hall.jpg|thumb|Elizabeth Cady Stanton]]
In 1851, Anthony was introduced to [[Elizabeth Cady Stanton]], who had been one of the organizers of the [[Seneca Falls Convention]] and had introduced the controversial resolution in support of [[women's suffrage]]. Anthony and Stanton were introduced by [[Amelia Bloomer]], a feminist and mutual acquaintance. Anthony and Stanton soon became close friends and co-workers, forming a relationship that was pivotal for them and for the women's movement as a whole.<ref>Griffith (1984), [https://archive.org/details/inherownright00elis/page/72 pp. 72–73].</ref> After the Stantons moved from Seneca Falls to New York City in 1861, a room was set aside for Anthony in every house they lived in.<ref>Griffith (1984), [https://archive.org/details/inherownright00elis/page/108 p. 108].</ref> One of Stanton's biographers estimated that over her lifetime, Stanton probably spent more time with Anthony than with any other adult, including her own husband.<ref>Griffith (1984),
[https://archive.org/details/inherownright00elis/page/224 p. 224].</ref>

The two women had complementary skills. Anthony excelled at organizing, while Stanton had an aptitude for intellectual matters and writing. Anthony was dissatisfied with her own writing ability and wrote relatively little for publication. When historians illustrate her thoughts with direct quotes, they usually take them from her speeches, letters, and diary entries.<ref>For Anthony's lack of confidence in her writing ability, see letter from Anthony to Stanton, June 5, 1856, quoted in Sherr (1995), p. 22.</ref>

Because Stanton was homebound with seven children while Anthony was unmarried and free to travel, Anthony assisted Stanton by supervising her children while Stanton wrote. One of Anthony's biographers said, "Susan became one of the family and was almost another mother to Mrs. Stanton's children."<ref name=barry-64>Barry (1988), p. 64.</ref> A biography of Stanton says that during the early years of their relationship, "Stanton provided the ideas, rhetoric, and strategy; Anthony delivered the speeches, circulated petitions, and rented the halls. Anthony prodded and Stanton produced."<ref>Griffith (1984), [https://archive.org/details/inherownright00elis/page/74 p. 74].</ref>
Stanton's husband said, "Susan stirred the puddings, Elizabeth stirred up Susan, and then Susan stirs up the world!"<ref>Letter from Stanton to Anthony, August 20, 1857, quoted in Griffith (1984), p. 74.</ref>
Stanton herself said, "I forged the thunderbolts, she fired them."<ref>Stanton (1898) [https://archive.org/details/eightyyearsandm00stangoog/page/n190 p. 165].</ref>
By 1854, Anthony and Stanton "had perfected a collaboration that made the New York State movement the most sophisticated in the country", according to [[Ann D. Gordon]], a professor of women's history.<ref>Gordon (1997). [https://books.google.com/books?id=dBs4CO1DsF4C&pg=PR30 p. xxx].</ref>

====Temperance activities====
[[temperance movement in the United States|Temperance]] was very much a women's rights issue at that time because of laws that gave husbands complete control of the family and its finances. A woman with a drunken husband had little legal recourse even if his alcoholism left the family destitute and he was abusive to her and their children. If she obtained a divorce, which was difficult to do, he could easily end up with sole guardianship of the children.<ref>Flexner (1959), [https://books.google.com/books?id=VjEw6ZnVm1EC&pg=PA58 p. 58].</ref>

While teaching in Canajoharie, Anthony joined the Daughters of Temperance and in 1849 gave her first public speech at one of its meetings.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n99/mode/2up, p. 53].</ref>
In 1852, she was elected as a delegate to the state temperance convention, but the chairman stopped her when she tried to speak, saying that women delegates were there only to listen and learn. Anthony and some other women immediately walked out and announced a meeting of their own, which created a committee to organize a women's state convention. Largely organized by Anthony, the convention of 500 women met in Rochester in April and created the Women's State Temperance Society, with Stanton as president and Anthony as state agent.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n113/mode/2up, pp. 64–68].</ref>

Anthony and her co-workers collected 28,000 signatures on a petition for a law to prohibit the sale of alcohol in New York State. She organized a hearing on that law before the New York legislature, the first that had been initiated in that state by a group of women.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1 [https://archive.org/details/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog/page/80/mode/2up?view=theater pp. 81–82].</ref> At the organization's convention the following year, however, conservative members attacked Stanton's advocacy of the right of a wife of an alcoholic to obtain a divorce. Stanton was voted out as president, whereupon she and Anthony resigned from the organization.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1 [https://archive.org/details/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog/page/92/mode/2up?view=theater pp. 92–95].</ref>

In 1853, Anthony attended the World's Temperance Convention in New York City, which bogged down for three chaotic days in a dispute about whether women would be allowed to speak there.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n151/mode/2up, pp. 101–102].</ref>
Years later, Anthony observed, "No advanced step taken by women has been so bitterly contested as that of speaking in public. For nothing which they have attempted, not even to secure the suffrage, have they been so abused, condemned and antagonized."<ref>Susan B. Anthony, "Fifty Years of Work for Woman" ''Independent'', 52 (February 15, 1900), pp. 414–417, quoted in Sherr (1995), p. 134.</ref> After this period, Anthony focused her energy on abolitionist and women's rights activities.

====Teachers' conventions====
When Anthony tried to speak at the [[New York State Teachers' Association]] meeting in 1853, her attempt sparked a half-hour debate among the men about whether it was proper for women to speak in public. Finally allowed to continue, Anthony said, "Do you not see that so long as society says a woman is incompetent to be a lawyer, minister, or doctor, but has ample ability to be a teacher, that every man of you who chooses this profession tacitly acknowledges that he has no more brains than a woman."<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881–1922), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu01stanuoft#page/514/mode/2up pp. 513–514].</ref>
At the 1857 teacher's convention, she introduced a resolution calling for the admission of black people to public schools and colleges, but it was rejected as "not a proper subject for discussion".<ref>''National Anti-Slavery Standard'', August 15, 1857, quoted in Sherr (1995), p. 18.</ref> When she introduced another resolution calling for males and females to be educated together at all levels, including colleges, it was fiercely opposed and decisively rejected. One opponent called the idea "a vast social evil... the first step in the school which seeks to abolish marriage, and behind this picture I see a monster of social deformity."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n209/mode/2up, pp. 155–156].</ref>

Anthony continued to speak at state teachers' conventions for several years, insisting that women teachers should receive equal pay with men and serve as officers and committee members within the organization.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n277/mode/2up, p. 221].</ref>

====Early women's rights activities====
Anthony's work for the women's rights movement began at a time when that movement was already gathering momentum. Stanton had helped organize the [[Seneca Falls Convention]] in 1848, a local event that was the first women's rights convention. In 1850, the first in a series of [[National Women's Rights Convention]]s was held in [[Worcester, Massachusetts]]. In 1852, Anthony attended her first National Women's Rights Convention, which was held in [[Syracuse, New York]], where she served as one of the convention's secretaries.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1,  [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n121/mode/2up p. 72]</ref> According to [[Ida Husted Harper]], Anthony's authorized biographer, "Miss Anthony came away from the Syracuse convention thoroughly convinced that the right which woman needed above every other, the one indeed which would secure to her all others, was the right of suffrage."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n129/mode/2up, p. 81].</ref> Suffrage, however, did not become the main focus of her work for several more years.

A major hindrance to the women's movement was a lack of money. Few women at that time had an independent source of income, and even those with employment generally were required by law to turn over their pay to their husbands.<ref>Dudden (2011), [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA17 p. 17].</ref>
Partly through the efforts of the women's movement, a law had been passed in New York in 1848 that recognized some rights for married women, but that law was limited. In 1853, Anthony worked with [[William Henry Channing]], her activist [[Unitarian Universalism|Unitarian]] minister, to organize a convention in Rochester to launch a state campaign for improved property rights for married women, which Anthony would lead. She took her lecture and petition campaign into almost every county in New York during the winter of 1855 despite the difficulty of traveling in snowy terrain in [[horse and buggy days]].<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n179/mode/2up pp. 104, 122–128].</ref>

When she presented the petitions to the New York State Senate Judiciary Committee, its members told her that men were actually the oppressed sex because they did such things as giving women the best seats in carriages. Noting cases in which the petition had been signed by both husbands and wives (instead of the husband signing for both, which was the standard procedure), the committee's official report sarcastically recommended that the petitioners seek a law authorizing the husbands in such marriages to wear petticoats and the wives trousers.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n193/mode/2up pp. 140–141].</ref>
The campaign finally achieved success in 1860 when the legislature passed an improved [[Married Women's Property Acts in the United States|Married Women's Property Act]] that gave married women the right to own separate property, enter into contracts and be the joint guardian of their children. The legislature rolled back much of this law in 1862, however, during a period when the women's movement was largely inactive because of the [[American Civil War]].<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 136, 149.</ref>

The women's movement was loosely structured at that time, with few state organizations and no national organization other than a coordinating committee that arranged annual conventions.<ref>Million (2003), pp. 109, 121.</ref>
[[Lucy Stone]], who did much of the organizational work for the national conventions, encouraged Anthony to take over some of the responsibility for them. Anthony resisted at first, feeling that she was needed more in the field of anti-slavery activities. After organizing a series of anti-slavery meetings in the winter of 1857, Anthony told a friend that, "the experience of the last winter is worth more to me than all my temperance and woman's rights work, though the latter were the school necessary to bring me into the antislavery work."<ref>Letter from Anthony to [[Abby Kelley Foster]] and [[Stephen Symonds Foster]], April 20, 1857, quoted in Million (2003), p. 234</ref>
During a planning session for the 1858 women's rights convention, Stone, who had recently given birth, told Anthony that her new family responsibilities would prevent her from organizing conventions until her children were older. Anthony presided at the 1858 convention, and when the planning committee for national conventions was reorganized, Stanton became its president and Anthony its secretary.<ref>Million (2003), pp. 235, 250–252.</ref>
Anthony continued to be heavily involved in anti-slavery work at the same time.

====Anti-slavery activities====
In 1837, at age 16, Anthony collected petitions against slavery as part of organized resistance to the newly established [[Gag rule#United States|gag rule]] that prohibited anti-slavery petitions in the U.S. House of Representatives.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Anti-Slavery Impulse: 1830–1844 |last=Barnes |first=Gilbert Hobbs |year=1964 |publisher=Harcourt, Brace & World |location=New York |page= 143}} This citation references the 1964 edition of a book that was first published in 1933 by the American Historical Association.</ref>
In 1851, she played a key role in organizing an anti-slavery convention in Rochester.<ref>McKelvey (April 1945)], [https://www.libraryweb.org/~rochhist/v7_1945/v7i2.pdf#page=6 p. 6].</ref> She was also part of the [[Underground Railroad]]. An entry in her diary in 1861 read, "Fitted out a fugitive slave for Canada with the help of [[Harriet Tubman]]."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n273/mode/2up p. 216].</ref>

[[File:Susan B Anthony 2.jpg|thumb|right|Susan B. Anthony]]
In 1856, Anthony agreed to become the New York State agent for the [[American Anti-Slavery Society]] with the understanding that she would also continue her advocacy of women's rights.<ref>Barry (1988), p. 110.</ref>
Anthony organized anti-slavery meetings throughout the state under banners that read "No compromise with slaveholders. Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n267/mode/2up, p. 208].</ref>

In 1859, [[John Brown (abolitionist)|John Brown]] was executed for leading a violent [[John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry|raid on the U.S. arsenal at Harper's Ferry]] in what was intended to be the beginning of an armed slave uprising. Anthony organized and presided over a meeting of "mourning and indignation" in Rochester's [[Corinthian Hall (Rochester, New York)|Corinthian Hall]] on the day of his execution to raise money for Brown's family.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n237/mode/2up  pp. 180–181].</ref>

She developed a reputation for fearlessness in facing down attempts to disrupt her meetings, but opposition became overwhelming on the eve of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]]. Mob action shut down her meetings in every town from Buffalo to Albany in early 1861. In Rochester, the police had to escort Anthony and other speakers from the building for their own safety.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n267/mode/2up, pp. 208, 209].</ref> In Syracuse, according to a local newspaper, "Rotten eggs were thrown, benches broken, and knives and pistols gleamed in every direction."<ref>{{cite news|title=none|newspaper=The Post Standard|location=Syracuse, NY|date=February 4, 1940|page=18}}, quoted in Barry (1988), p. 148.</ref>

Anthony expressed a vision of a racially integrated society that was radical for a time when abolitionists were debating the question of what was to become of the slaves after they were freed, and when people like [[Abraham Lincoln]] were calling for African Americans to be shipped to newly established colonies in Africa. In a speech in 1861, Anthony said, "Let us open to the colored man all our schools ... Let us admit him into all our mechanic shops, stores, offices, and lucrative business avocations ... let him rent such pew in the church, and occupy such seat in the theatre ... Extend to him all the rights of Citizenship."<ref>Manuscript of speech in the Susan B. Anthony Papers collection at the Library of Congress. Quoted in McPherson (1964), [https://books.google.com/books?id=fdE1jAheJwkC&pg=PA225 p. 225].</ref>

The relatively small women's rights movement of that time was closely associated with the American Anti-Slavery Society led by [[William Lloyd Garrison]]. The women's movement depended heavily on abolitionist resources, with its articles published in their newspapers and some of its funding provided by abolitionists.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/51 p. 51].</ref> There was tension, however, between leaders of the women's movement and male abolitionists who, although supporters of increased women's rights, believed that a vigorous campaign for women's rights would interfere with the campaign against slavery. In 1860, when Anthony sheltered a woman who had fled an abusive husband, Garrison insisted that the woman give up the child she had brought with her, pointing out that the law gave husbands complete control of children. Anthony reminded Garrison that he helped slaves escape to Canada in violation of the law and said, "Well, the law which gives the father ownership of the children is just as wicked and I'll break it just as quickly."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1,  [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n263/mode/2up p. 204].</ref>

When Stanton introduced a resolution at the National Woman's Rights Convention in 1860 favoring more lenient divorce laws, leading abolitionist [[Wendell Phillips]] not only opposed it but attempted to have it removed from the record.<ref>Dudden (2011), [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA36 p. 36]. The proposal for more lenient divorce laws was also controversial among women activists.</ref> When Stanton, Anthony, and others supported a bill before the New York legislature that would permit divorce in cases of desertion or inhuman treatment, [[Horace Greeley]], an abolitionist newspaper publisher, campaigned against it in the pages of his newspaper.<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881–1922), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu01stanuoft#page/744/mode/2up pp. 745–46].</ref>

Garrison, Phillips and Greeley had all provided valuable help to the women's movement. In a letter to [[Lucy Stone]], Anthony said, "The Men, even the ''best'' of them, seem to think the Women's Rights question should be waived for the present. So let us do our own work, and in our own way."<ref>Letter from Anthony to Lucy Stone, October 27, 1857, quoted in Sherr (1995), p. 54.</ref>

On February 13, 1928, Representative [[Charles Hillyer Brand]] gave a "brief statement of the life and activities" of Anthony—partly titled "militant suffragist"—in which he noted that in 1861, Anthony was "persuaded to give up preparations for the annual women's rights convention to concentrate on work to win the war, though she was not misled by the sophistry that the rights of women would be recognized after the war if they helped to end it."<ref>{{cite web |title=69 Cong. Rec. (Bound) - Volume 69, Part 3 (February 1, 1928 to February 23, 1928) |url=https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/GPO-CRECB-1928-pt3-v69 |website=GovInfo.gov |publisher=U.S. Government Printing Office |pages=3060–3061}}</ref>

===Women's Loyal National League===
Anthony and Stanton organized the [[Women's Loyal National League]] in 1863 to campaign for an amendment to the [[Constitution of the United States|U.S. Constitution]] that would abolish slavery.
It was the first national women's political organization in the United States.<ref>{{cite web|url= https://www.pbs.org/stantonanthony/resources/index.html?body=biography.html|title=Biography|author=Judith E. Harper|work=Not for Ourselves Alone: The Story of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony|publisher=Public Broadcasting System|access-date=January 21, 2014}}</ref> In the largest petition drive in the nation's history up to that time, the League collected nearly 400,000 signatures to abolish slavery, representing approximately one out of every twenty-four adults in the Northern states.<ref>Venet (1991), [https://books.google.com/books?id=PfE0ULar1JgC&pg=PA148 p. 148]. The League was called by several variations of its name, including the Women's National Loyal League.</ref>
The petition drive significantly assisted the passage of the [[Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Thirteenth Amendment]], which ended slavery. Anthony was the chief organizer of this effort, which involved recruiting and coordinating some 2000 petition collectors.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 153–154.</ref>

The League provided the women's movement with a vehicle for combining the fight against slavery with the fight for women's rights by reminding the public that petitioning was the only political tool available to women at a time when only men were allowed to vote.<ref>Venet (1991), [https://books.google.com/books?id=PfE0ULar1JgC&pg=PA116 p. 116].</ref>
With a membership of 5000, it helped develop a new generation of women leaders, providing experience and recognition for not only Stanton and Anthony but also newcomers like [[Anna Elizabeth Dickinson|Anna Dickinson]], a gifted teenaged orator.<ref>Venet (1991), [https://books.google.com/books?id=PfE0ULar1JgC&pg=PA106 pp. 148–149].</ref>
The League demonstrated the value of formal structure to a women's movement that had resisted being anything other than loosely organized up to that point.<ref>Flexner (1959), [https://books.google.com/books?id=VjEw6ZnVm1EC&pg=PA105 p. 105].</ref>
The widespread network of women activists who assisted the League expanded the pool of talent that was available to reform movements, including the women's suffrage movement, after the war.<ref>Venet (1991), [https://books.google.com/books?id=PfE0ULar1JgC&pg=PA1 pp. 1–2].</ref>

===American Equal Rights Association===
Anthony stayed with her brother [[Daniel Read Anthony|Daniel]] in Kansas for eight months in 1865 to assist with his newspaper. She headed back east after she learned that an amendment to the U.S. Constitution had been proposed that would provide citizenship for African Americans but would also for the first time introduce the word "male" into the constitution.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1,
[https://archive.org/details/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog/page/242/mode/2up?view=theater pp. 242, 248].</ref> Anthony supported citizenship for blacks but opposed any attempt to link it with a reduction in the status of women. Her ally Stanton agreed, saying "if that word 'male' be inserted, it will take us a century at least to get it out."<ref>Letter from Stanton to Gerrit Smith, January 1, 1866, quoted in DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/61 p. 61].</ref>

Anthony and Stanton worked to revive the women's rights movement, which had become nearly dormant during the [[American Civil War|Civil War]]. In 1866, they organized the Eleventh [[National Women's Rights Convention]], the first since the Civil War began.<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1887), [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu02stanuoft#page/152/mode/2up pp. 152–153].</ref> Unanimously adopting a resolution introduced by Anthony, the convention voted to transform itself into the [[American Equal Rights Association]] (AERA), whose purpose was to campaign for the equal rights of all citizens, especially the right of suffrage.<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1887), [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu02stanuoft#page/170/mode/2up pp. 171–72].</ref> The leadership of the new organization included such prominent activists as [[Lucretia Mott]], [[Lucy Stone]], and [[Frederick Douglass]].<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/details/historyofwomansu02stanuoft/page/174/mode/2up?view=theater pp. 173–174].</ref>

The AERA's drive for [[universal suffrage]] was resisted by some abolitionist leaders and their allies in the [[History of the United States Republican Party|Republican Party]]. During the period before the 1867 convention to revise the New York state constitution, [[Horace Greeley]], a prominent newspaper editor, told Anthony and Stanton, "This is a critical period for the Republican Party and the life of our Nation... I conjure you to remember that this is 'the negro's hour,' and your first duty now is to go through the State and plead his claims."<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1887), [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu02stanuoft#page/270/mode/2up p. 270].</ref> Abolitionist leaders [[Wendell Phillips]] and [[Theodore Tilton]] met with Anthony and Stanton in the office of the [[National Anti-Slavery Standard]], a leading abolitionist newspaper. The two men tried to convince the two women that the time had not yet come for women's suffrage, that they should campaign not for voting rights for both women and African Americans in the revised state constitution but for voting rights for black men only. According to [[Ida Husted Harper]], Anthony's authorized biographer, Anthony "was highly indignant and declared that she would sooner cut off her right hand than ask the ballot for the black man and not for woman."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n319/mode/2up, p. 261].  Anthony's words here have been misquoted in increasingly elaborate ways.  Alma Lutz's biography (1959, p. 120) converted Harper's words into a direct quote by Anthony but made no other changes: "I would sooner cut off my right hand than ask for the ballot for the black man and not for woman." Eleanor Flexner's ''Century of Struggle'' (1959, pp. 137–138) changed "hand" to "arm" and made other changes, reporting that Anthony said, "I will cut off this right arm of mine before I will ever work for or demand the ballot for the Negro and not woman."
Paul Finkelman's ''African-Americans and the Right To Vote'' (1992, p. 129) quoted Anthony as saying, "I swear that I will cut off this right arm of mine before I will ever work for or demand the ballot for the Negro and not the woman."  ''The American Pageant'', a textbook by David M. Kennedy and Lizabeth Cohen, reported (2012, [https://books.google.com/books?id=nVkKAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA477 p. 477]) that Anthony held out her arm and said, "Look at this, all of you.  And hear me swear that I will cut off this right arm of mine before I will ever work for or demand the ballot for the negro and not the woman."  Kennedy and Cohen placed this supposed quote by Anthony in the context of her anger at the exclusion of women from the 14th Amendment rather than, as Harper originally reported, at being told that she should work for suffrage only for black men, not for both women and blacks.</ref> Anthony and Stanton continued to work for the inclusion of suffrage for both African Americans and women.

In 1867, the AERA campaigned in Kansas for [[referendum]]s that would [[suffrage|enfranchise]] both African Americans and women. [[Wendell Phillips]], who opposed mixing those two causes, blocked the funding that the AERA had expected for their campaign.<ref>Dudden (2011), [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA105 p. 105].</ref>
After an internal struggle, Kansas Republicans decided to support suffrage for black men only and formed an "Anti Female Suffrage Committee" to oppose the AERA's efforts.<ref>Dudden (2011), [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA124 pp. 124, 127].</ref>
By the end of summer, the AERA campaign had almost collapsed, and its finances were exhausted. Anthony and Stanton created a storm of controversy by accepting help during the last days of the campaign from [[George Francis Train]], a wealthy businessman who supported women's rights. Train antagonized many activists by attacking the Republican Party and openly disparaging the integrity and intelligence of African Americans.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/93 pp. 93–94].</ref>
There is reason to believe, however, that Anthony and Stanton hoped to draw the volatile Train away from his cruder forms of racism, and that he had actually begun to do so.<ref>Dudden (2011), [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA137 pp. 137 and 246, footnotes 22 and 25].</ref>

After the Kansas campaign, the AERA increasingly divided into two wings, both advocating universal suffrage but with different approaches. One wing, whose leading figure was Lucy Stone, was willing for black men to achieve suffrage first and wanted to maintain close ties with the Republican Party and the abolitionist movement. The other, whose leading figures were Anthony and Stanton, insisted that women and black men should be enfranchised at the same time and worked toward a politically independent women's movement that would no longer be dependent on abolitionists.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/80/mode/2up pp. 80–81].</ref> The AERA effectively dissolved after an acrimonious meeting in May 1869, and two competing woman suffrage organizations were created in its aftermath.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/189/mode/2up pp. 189, 196].</ref>

===''The Revolution''===
Anthony and Stanton began publishing a weekly newspaper called ''[[The Revolution (newspaper)|The Revolution]]'' in New York City in 1868. It focused primarily on women's rights, especially suffrage for women, but it also covered other topics, including politics, the labor movement and finance. Its motto was "Men, their rights and nothing more: women, their rights and nothing less."<ref>Rakow and Kramarae eds. (2001), [https://books.google.com/books?id=Ahcmo4_Jko0C&pg=PA18 p. 18].</ref>
One of its goals was to provide a forum in which women could exchange opinions on key issues from a variety of viewpoints. Anthony managed the business aspects of the paper while Stanton was co-editor along with [[Parker Pillsbury]], an abolitionist and a supporter of women's rights. Initial funding was provided by [[George Francis Train]], the controversial businessman who supported women's rights but who alienated many activists with his political and racial views.<ref name=rakow-14-18>Rakow and Kramarae eds. (2001), [https://books.google.com/books?id=Ahcmo4_Jko0C&pg=PA14 pp. 6, 14–18].</ref>

[[File:Printing House Square, New York City.png|thumb|right|Printing House Square in Manhattan in 1868, showing the sign for ''The Revolution''{{'}}s office at the far right below ''The World'' and above ''Scientific American''.]]
In the aftermath of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]], major periodicals associated with the radical social reform movements had either become more conservative or had quit publishing or soon would.<ref>Dudden (2011), [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA69 pp. 69, 143].</ref>
Anthony intended for ''The Revolution'' to partially fill that void, hoping to grow it eventually into a daily paper with its own printing press, all owned and operated by women.<ref>"The Working Women's Association", ''The Revolution'', November 5, 1868, p. 280. Quoted in Rakow and Kramarae eds. (2001), [https://books.google.com/books?id=Ahcmo4_Jko0C&pg=PA106 p. 106].</ref> The funding Train had arranged for the newspaper, however, was less than Anthony had expected. Moreover, Train sailed for England after ''The Revolution'' published its first issue and was soon jailed for supporting Irish independence.<ref>Barry (1988), p. 187.</ref>

Train's financial support eventually disappeared entirely. After twenty-nine months, mounting debts forced Anthony to transfer the paper to [[Laura Curtis Bullard]], a wealthy women's rights activist who gave it a less radical tone. The paper published its last issue less than two years later.<ref name=rakow-14-18/>
Despite its short life, ''The Revolution'' gave Anthony and Stanton a means for expressing their views during the developing split within the women's movement. It also helped them promote their wing of the movement, which eventually became a separate organization.<ref>The role of ''The Revolution'' during the developing split in the women's movement is discussed in chapters 6 and 7 of Dudden (2011). An example of its use to support their wing of the movement is on [https://books.google.com/books?id=7-XV-oP9UFUC&pg=PA164 p. 164].</ref>

===Attempted alliance with labor===
The [[National Labor Union]] (NLU), which was formed in 1866, began reaching out to farmers, African Americans and women, with the intention of forming a broad-based political party.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/112 pp. 112, 114].</ref> ''The Revolution'' responded enthusiastically, declaring, "The principles of the National Labor Union are our principles."<ref>"The National Labor Union and U.S. Bonds," ''The Revolution'', April 9, 1868, p. 213. Quoted in DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/110 p. 110].</ref> It predicted that "The producers—the working-men, the women, the negroes—are destined to form a triple power that shall speedily wrest the sceptre of government from the non-producers—the land monopolists, the bond-holders, the politicians."<ref>"National Labor Congress," ''The Revolution'', October 1, 1868, p. 200.</ref>
Anthony and Stanton were seated as delegates to the NLU Congress in 1868, with Anthony representing the [[Working Women's Association]] (WWA), which had recently been formed in the offices of ''The Revolution''.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/123 pp. 123, 133].</ref>

The attempted alliance did not last long. During a printers' [[strike action|strike]] in 1869, Anthony voiced approval of an employer-sponsored training program that would teach women skills that would enable them in effect to replace the strikers. Anthony viewed the program as an opportunity to increase employment of women in a trade from which women were often excluded by both employers and unions. At the next NLU Congress, Anthony was first seated as a delegate but then unseated because of strong opposition from those who accused her of supporting [[strikebreakers]].<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/155 pp. 155–159].</ref>

Anthony worked with the WWA to form all-female labor unions, but with little success. She accomplished more in her work with the joint campaign by the WWA and ''The Revolution'' to win a pardon for [[Hester Vaughn]], a domestic worker who had been found guilty of [[infanticide]] and sentenced to death. Charging that the social and legal systems treated women unfairly, the WWA petitioned, organized a mass meeting at which Anthony was one of the speakers, and sent delegations to visit Vaughn in prison and to speak with the governor. Vaughn was eventually pardoned.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/145 pp. 145–146].</ref>

Originally with a membership that included over a hundred wage-earning women, the WWA evolved into an organization consisting almost entirely of journalists, doctors and other middle-class working women. Its members formed the core of the New York City portion of the new national suffrage organization that Anthony and Stanton were in the process of forming.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/n198 <!-- pg=193 --> pp. 133, 148–151, 161, 193].</ref>

===Split in the women's movement===
[[Image:3a52946r Susan B Anthony.tif|thumb|right|180px|Susan B. Anthony, 1870]]

In May 1869, two days after the final AERA convention, Anthony, Stanton and others formed the [[National Woman Suffrage Association]] (NWSA). In November 1869, [[Lucy Stone]], [[Julia Ward Howe]] and others formed the competing [[American Woman Suffrage Association]] (AWSA). The hostile nature of their rivalry created a partisan atmosphere that endured for decades, affecting even professional historians of the women's movement.<ref>DuBois (1978), [https://archive.org/details/feminismsuffrage00dubo_0/page/n176 pp. 173, 189, 196].</ref>

The immediate cause for the split was the proposed [[Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fifteenth Amendment]] to the [[Constitution of the United States|U.S. Constitution]], which would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of race. In one of her most controversial actions, Anthony campaigned against the amendment. She and Stanton called for women and African Americans to be enfranchised at the same time. They said that by effectively [[suffrage|enfranchising]] all men while excluding all women, the amendment would create an "aristocracy of sex" by giving constitutional authority to the idea that men were superior to women.<ref>Rakow and Kramarae eds. (2001), [https://books.google.com/books?id=Ahcmo4_Jko0C&pg=PA47 pp. 47–49].</ref> In 1873, Anthony said, "An oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor; an oligarchy of learning, where the educated govern the ignorant; or even an oligarchy of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be endured; but surely this oligarchy of sex, which makes the men of every household sovereigns, masters; the women subjects, slaves; carrying dissension, rebellion into every home of the Nation, cannot be endured."<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage (1881–1922), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu02stanuoft#page/635/mode/2up p. 635].</ref>

The AWSA supported the amendment, but Lucy Stone, who became its most prominent leader, also made it clear that she believed that suffrage for women would be more beneficial to the country than suffrage for black men.<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu02stanuoft#page/384/mode/2up p. 384]. Stone is speaking here during the final AERA convention in 1869. Support for the amendment did not necessarily mean that all AWSA members were free from the racial presumptions of that era. [[Henry Brown Blackwell|Henry Blackwell]], Lucy Stone's husband and a prominent AWSA member, published an open letter to Southern legislatures assuring them that if they allowed both blacks and women to vote, "the political supremacy of your white race will remain unchanged" and that "the black race would gravitate by the law of nature toward the tropics". See {{cite web |url= https://www.loc.gov/item/rbpe.12701100|title=What the South can do|author=Henry B. Blackwell|date=January 15, 1867|work=An American Time Capsule|publisher=Library of Congress|access-date=January 22, 2014}} Cited in Dudden (2011), p. 93.</ref>

The two organizations had other differences as well. The NWSA was politically independent, but the AWSA at least initially aimed for close ties with the Republican Party, hoping that the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment would lead to a Republican push for women's suffrage. The NWSA focused primarily on winning suffrage at the national level while the AWSA pursued a state-by-state strategy. The NWSA initially worked on a wider range of women's issues than the AWSA, including divorce reform and [[equal pay for women]].<ref>DuBois (1978), pp. 197–200. The high point of Republican support was a non-committal reference to women's suffrage in the 1872 Republican platform.</ref>

Events soon removed much of the basis for the split in the women's movement. In 1870, debate about the Fifteenth Amendment was made irrelevant when that amendment was officially ratified. In 1872, disgust with corruption in government led to a mass defection of abolitionists and other social reformers from the Republicans to the short-lived [[Liberal Republican Party (United States)|Liberal Republican Party]].<ref>DuBois (1978), pp. 166, 200.</ref> As early as 1875, Anthony began urging the NWSA to focus more exclusively on women's suffrage rather than a variety of women's issues.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 264–265.</ref> The rivalry between the two women's groups was so bitter, however, that a merger proved to be impossible for twenty years. The AWSA, which was especially strong in [[New England]], was the larger of the two organizations, but it began to decline in strength during the 1880s.<ref>Gordon (2009). [https://books.google.com/books?id=QSWhKqKt1moC&pg=PR25 pp. xxv, 55.]</ref>
In 1890, the two organizations merged as the [[National American Woman Suffrage Association]] (NAWSA), with Stanton as president but with Anthony as its effective leader. When Stanton retired from her post in 1892, Anthony became NAWSA's president.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 296–299, 303</ref>

===National suffrage movement===
[[File:Letter by Susan B. Anthony in Support of Women's Suffrage page 1 of 2.jpg|thumb|Letter by Susan B. Anthony to US Congress in favor of Women's Suffrage]]

"By the end of the Civil War," according to historian [[Ann D. Gordon]], "Susan B. Anthony occupied new social and political territory. She was emerging on the national scene as a female leader, something new in American history, and she did so as a single woman in a culture that perceived the spinster as anomalous and unguarded ... By the 1880s, she was among the senior political figures in the United States."<ref>Gordon, Ann D., "Knowing Susan B. Anthony: The Stories We Tell of a Life", in Ridarsky, Christine L. and Huth, Mary M., editors (2012). ''Susan B. Anthony and the Struggle for Equal Rights''. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press. pp. 202, 204; {{ISBN|978-1-58046-425-3}}</ref>

After the formation of the NWSA, Anthony dedicated herself fully to the organization and to women's suffrage. She did not draw a salary from either it or its successor, the NAWSA, but on the contrary used her lecture fees to fund those organizations.<ref name="Sherr 1995, pp. 226–27">Sherr (1995), pp. 226–227.</ref> There was no national office, the mailing address being simply that of one of the officers.<ref>Flexner (1959), p. 241.</ref>

That Anthony had remained unmarried gave her an important business advantage in this work. A married woman at that time had the legal status of [[coverture|''feme covert'']], which, among other things, excluded her from signing contracts (her husband could do that for her, if he chose). As Anthony had no husband, she was a [[coverture|''feme sole'']] and could freely sign contracts for convention halls, printed materials, etc.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 57–58, 259.</ref>
Using fees she earned by lecturing, she paid off the debts she had accumulated while supporting ''The Revolution''. With the press treating her as a celebrity, she proved to be a major draw.<ref>Gordon (2003), [https://books.google.com/books?id=U3diaaiUZjQC&pg=PR21 p. xxi].</ref> Over her career she estimated that she averaged 75 to 100 speeches per year. Travel conditions in the earlier days were sometimes appalling. Once she gave a speech from the top of a billiard table. On another occasion her train was snowbound for days, and she survived on crackers and dried fish.<ref>Sherr (1995), pp. 123–124, 132–133.</ref>

Both Anthony and Stanton joined the lecture circuit about 1870, usually traveling from mid-autumn to spring. The timing was right because the nation was beginning to discuss women's suffrage as a serious matter. Occasionally they traveled together but most often not. Lecture bureaus scheduled their tours and handled the travel arrangements, which generally involved traveling during the day and speaking at night, sometimes for weeks at a time, including weekends. Their lectures brought new recruits into the movement who strengthened suffrage organizations at the local, state and national levels. Their journeys during that decade covered a distance that was unmatched by any other reformer or politician.<ref name=gordon>Ward (1999), "Taking Possession of the Country" by Ann D. Gordon, pp. 163–169.</ref>
Anthony's other suffrage work included organizing national conventions, lobbying Congress and state legislatures, and participating in a seemingly endless series of state suffrage campaigns.

A special opportunity arose in 1876 when the U.S. celebrated its 100th birthday as an independent country. The NWSA asked permission to present a Declaration of Rights for Women at the official ceremony in Philadelphia, but was refused. Undaunted, five women, headed by Anthony, walked onto the platform during the ceremony and handed their Declaration to the startled official in charge. As they left, they handed out copies of it to the crowd. Spotting an unoccupied bandstand outside the hall, Anthony mounted it and read the Declaration to a large crowd. Afterwards she invited everyone to a NWSA convention at the nearby Unitarian church where speakers like [[Lucretia Mott]] and [[Elizabeth Cady Stanton]] awaited them.<ref>Flexner (1959), [https://books.google.com/books?id=VjEw6ZnVm1EC&pg=PA163 pp. 163–164].</ref><ref>Bacon (1986), pp. 132–133.</ref>

The work of all segments of the women's suffrage movement began to show clear results. Women won the right to vote in Wyoming in 1869 and in Utah in 1870. Her lectures in Washington and four other states led directly to invitations for her to address the state legislatures there.<ref name=gordon/>

[[National Grange of the Order of Patrons of Husbandry|The Grange]], a large advocacy group for farmers, officially supported women's suffrage as early as 1885. The [[Women's Christian Temperance Union]], the largest women's organization in the country, also supported [[suffrage]].<ref>Flexner (1959), [https://books.google.com/books?id=VjEw6ZnVm1EC&pg=PA173 pp. 173–174, 210].</ref>

Anthony's commitment to the movement, her spartan lifestyle, and the fact that she did not seek personal financial gain, made her an effective fund-raiser and won her the admiration of many who did not agree with her goals.<ref name="Sherr 1995, pp. 226–27"/> As her reputation grew, her working and travel conditions improved. She sometimes had the use of the private railroad car of [[Jane Stanford]], a sympathizer whose husband owned a major railroad. While lobbying and preparing for the annual suffrage conventions in Washington, she was provided with a free suite of rooms in the Riggs Hotel, whose owners supported her work.<ref>Sherr (1995), pp. 85, 122.</ref>

To ensure continuity, Anthony trained a group of younger activists, who were known as her "nieces," to assume leadership roles within the organization. Two of them, [[Carrie Chapman Catt]] and [[Anna Howard Shaw]], served as presidents of the NAWSA after Anthony retired from that position.<ref>Flexner (1959), [https://books.google.com/books?id=VjEw6ZnVm1EC&pg=PA231 pp. 229–232].</ref>

====''United States v. Susan B. Anthony''{{anchor|United States v. Susan B. Anthony}}====<!--Wikisource article is linked to this anchor, if renaming please place anchor for this heading name-->
{{main|Trial of Susan B. Anthony}}
The NWSA convention of 1871 adopted a strategy of urging women to attempt to vote, and then, after being turned away, to file suits in federal courts to challenge laws that prevented women from voting. The legal basis for the challenge would be the recently adopted [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment]], part of which reads: "No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States".<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=8 p. 2].</ref>

Following the example set by Anthony and her sisters shortly before election day, a total of nearly fifty women in Rochester registered to vote in the [[1872 United States presidential election|presidential election of 1872]]. On election day, Anthony and fourteen other women from her [[ward (electoral subdivision)|ward]] convinced the election inspectors to allow them to cast ballots, but women in other wards were turned back.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 249–251.</ref> Anthony was arrested on November 18, 1872, by a U.S. Deputy Marshal and charged with illegally voting. The other women who had voted were also arrested but released pending the outcome of Anthony's trial.<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=17 pp. 11, 13, 29.]</ref>
Anthony's trial generated a national controversy and became a major step in the transition of the broader women's rights movement into the women's suffrage movement.<ref>Hewitt (2001), [https://books.google.com/books?id=Izg05RynLZgC&pg=PA212 p. 212.]</ref>

Anthony spoke throughout [[Monroe County, New York]], where her trial was to be held and from where the jurors for her trial would be chosen. Her speech was entitled "Is it a Crime for a U.S. Citizen to Vote?" She said, "We no longer petition Legislature or Congress to give us the right to vote. We appeal to women everywhere to exercise their too long neglected 'citizen's right to vote.{{' "}}<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=73 pp. 63, 67.]</ref>
The U.S. Attorney arranged for the trial to be moved to the [[United States circuit court|federal circuit court]], which would soon sit in neighboring Ontario County with a jury drawn from that county's inhabitants. Anthony responded by speaking throughout that county also before the trial began.<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=40 p. 34.]</ref>

Responsibility for that federal circuit was in the hands of Justice [[Ward Hunt]], who had recently been appointed to the U.S. [[United States Supreme Court|Supreme Court]]. Hunt had never served as a trial judge; originally a politician, he had begun his judicial career by being elected to the [[New York Court of Appeals]].<ref>Hull (2012), pp. 115–16, 158.</ref>

The trial, ''[[Trial of Susan B. Anthony|United States v. Susan B. Anthony]]'', began on June 17, 1873, and was closely followed by the national press. Following a rule of [[common law]] at that time which prevented criminal defendants in federal courts from testifying, Hunt refused to allow Anthony to speak until the verdict had been delivered. On the second day of the trial, after both sides had presented their cases, Justice Hunt delivered his lengthy opinion, which he had put in writing. In the most controversial aspect of the trial, Hunt directed the jury to deliver a guilty verdict.<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=11 pp. 5–6, 13, 48 ].</ref>

On the second day of the trial, Hunt asked Anthony if she had anything to say. She responded with "the most famous speech in the history of the agitation for woman suffrage", according to [[Ann D. Gordon]], a historian of the women's movement.<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=13 p. 7].</ref>
Repeatedly ignoring the judge's order to stop talking and sit down, she protested what she called "this high-handed outrage upon my citizen's rights", saying, "you have trampled under foot every vital principle of our government. My natural rights, my civil rights, my political rights, my judicial rights, are all alike ignored."<ref name=Gordon-2005-46>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=52 p. 46].</ref>
She castigated Justice Hunt for denying her a trial by jury, but said that even if he had allowed the jury to discuss the case, she still would have been denied a trial by a jury of her peers because women were not allowed to be jurors.<ref name=Gordon-2005-46/>

{{quote box
 |title = On the centennial of the [[Boston Tea Party]]
 |quote = {{font |font=Times New Roman | size=15px | {{nbsp|5}} I stand before you tonight a convicted criminal... convicted by a [[Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court]] Judge... and sentenced to pay $100 fine and costs. For what? For asserting my right to representation in a government, based upon the one idea of the right of every person governed to participate in that government. This is the result at the close of 100 years of this government, that I, a native born American citizen, am found guilty of neither lunacy nor idiocy, but of a crime—simply because I exercised our right to vote.}}
 |source = Speech to the Union League Club, N.Y.<br>December 16, 1873<ref name=NYHerald_TeaPartySpeech_18731217>{{cite news |title=Tea Party Teachings / Woman's Freedom Dawning / No Taxation Without Representation |url=https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:18731217_Tea_Party_Teachings_-_Woman%27s_Freedom_Dawning_-_The_New_York_Herald.jpg |work=The New York Herald |date=December 17, 1873 |pages=10 }}</ref>
 |align = right  |width = 40% |border = 1px |fontsize = 100% |bgcolor = #fafafa |title_bg = #fafafa |title_fnt = #202060 |qalign = left |salign = right
}}
When Justice Hunt sentenced Anthony to pay a fine of $100 ({{Inflation|US|100|1873|r=-2|fmt=eq}}), she responded, "I shall never pay a dollar of your unjust penalty",<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=53 p. 47.]</ref> and she never did.
If Hunt had ordered her to be jailed until she paid the fine, Anthony could have taken her case to the Supreme Court. Hunt instead announced he would not order her taken into custody, closing off that legal avenue.<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=24 p. 18.]</ref>

The U.S. Supreme Court in 1875 put an end to the strategy of trying to achieve women's suffrage through the court system when it ruled in ''[[Minor v. Happersett]]'' that "the Constitution of the United States does not confer the right of suffrage upon anyone".<ref>Gordon (2005), [https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/trials/susanbanthony.pdf#page=25 pp. 18–19]. This article points out that Supreme Court rulings did not establish the connection between citizenship and voting rights until the mid-twentieth century.</ref> The NWSA decided to pursue the far more difficult strategy of campaigning for a constitutional amendment to achieve voting rights for women.

On August 18, 2020—the 100th anniversary of the ratification of the 19th Amendment—President [[Donald Trump]] announced that he would pardon Anthony, 148 years after her conviction.<ref name="The New York Times">{{Cite news|last1=Haberman|first1=Maggie|last2=Rogers|first2=Katie|date=August 18, 2020|title=On Centennial of 19th Amendment, Trump Pardons Susan B. Anthony|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/18/us/politics/trump-susan-b-anthony-pardon.html|access-date=August 18, 2020|issn=0362-4331}}</ref> The president of the [[Susan B. Anthony House|National Susan B. Anthony Museum and House]] wrote to "decline" the offer of a pardon on the principle that, to accept a pardon would wrongly "validate" the trial proceedings in the same manner that paying the $100 fine would have.<ref name=MuseumDeclinesPardon>{{cite news |last1=Ulaby |first1=Neda |title=Susan B. Anthony Museum Rejects President Trump's Pardon Of The Suffragist |url=https://www.npr.org/2020/08/20/904321406/susan-b-anthony-museum-rejects-president-trumps-pardon-of-the-suffragette |publisher=NPR |date=August 20, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200821134913/https://www.npr.org/2020/08/20/904321406/susan-b-anthony-museum-rejects-president-trumps-pardon-of-the-suffragette |archive-date=August 21, 2020 |url-status=live }} ● {{cite web |last1=Hughes |first1=Deborah L. |title=On News of a Presidential Pardon for Susan B. Anthony on August 18, 2020 |url=https://susanb.org/on-news-of-a-presidential-pardon-for-susan-b-anthony-on-august-18-2020/ |website=SusanB.org |publisher=The National Susan B. Anthony Museum & House |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200821170246/https://susanb.org/on-news-of-a-presidential-pardon-for-susan-b-anthony-on-august-18-2020/ |archive-date=August 21, 2020 |date=August 18, 2020 |url-status=live}}</ref>

====''History of Woman Suffrage''====
[[File:Life Magazine 1913-02-20 ppmsca.02943.jpg|thumb|right|upright|Cover of ''[[Life (magazine)|Life]]'' magazine in 1913. Titled "Ancient History", it shows an Anthony-like figure in classical dress leading a protest for women's rights]]
Anthony and Stanton initiated the project of writing a history of the women's suffrage movement in 1876. Anthony had for years saved letters, newspaper clippings, and other materials of historical value to the women's movement. In 1876, she moved into the Stanton household in New Jersey along with several trunks and boxes of these materials to begin working with Stanton on the ''[[History of Woman Suffrage]]''.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog#page/n553/mode/2up p. 480.]</ref>

Anthony hated this type of work. In her letters, she said the project "makes me feel growly all the time ... No warhorse ever panted for the rush of battle more than I for outside work. I love to make history but hate to write it."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa01harpgoog#page/n123/mode/2up p. 602.]</ref>
The work absorbed much of her time for several years although she continued to work on other women's suffrage activities. She acted as her own publisher, which presented several problems, including finding space for the inventory. She was forced to limit the number of books she was storing in the attic of her sister's house because the weight was threatening to collapse the structure.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 3, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa02harpgoog#page/n209/mode/2up p. 1277].</ref>

Originally envisioned as a modest publication that could be produced quickly,<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, footnote on [https://archive.org/details/lifeandworksusa00unkngoog/page/480/mode/2up?view=theater p. 481].</ref> the history evolved into a six-volume work of more than 5700 pages written over a period of 41 years. The first three volumes, which cover the movement up to 1885, were published between 1881 and 1886 and were produced by Stanton, Anthony and [[Matilda Joslyn Gage]]. Anthony handled the production details and the extensive correspondence with contributors. Anthony published Volume 4, which covers the period from 1883 to 1900, in 1902, after Stanton's death, with the help of [[Ida Husted Harper]], Anthony's designated biographer. The last two volumes, which bring the history up to 1920, were completed in 1922 by Harper after Anthony's death.

The ''History of Woman Suffrage'' preserves an enormous amount of material that might have been lost forever. Written by leaders of one wing of the divided women's movement (Lucy Stone, their main rival, refused to have anything to do with the project), it does not, however, give a balanced view of events where their rivals are concerned. It overstates the role of Anthony and Stanton, and it understates or ignores the roles of Stone and other activists who did not fit into the historical narrative that Anthony and Stanton developed. Because it was for years the main source of documentation about the suffrage movement, historians have had to uncover other sources to provide a more balanced view.<ref>Cullen-DuPont (2000) [https://books.google.com/books?id=oIro7MtiFuYC&pg=PA115 p. 115] ''History of Woman Suffrage''.</ref><ref>Tetrault (2014), [https://books.google.com/books?id=ZYZgAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA125 pp. 125–140]. Tetrault says she describes the Seneca Falls story as a "myth" not to indicate that it is false but in the technical sense of "a venerated and celebrated story used to give meaning to the world." See Tetrault (2014), [https://books.google.com/books?id=ZYZgAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA5 p. 5].</ref>

===International women's organizations===

====International Council of Women====
Anthony traveled to Europe in 1883 for a nine-month stay, linking up with Stanton, who had arrived a few months earlier. Together they met with leaders of European women's movements and began the process of creating an international women's organization.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa01harpgoog#page/n57/mode/2up pp. 546, 578–579].</ref>
The [[National Woman Suffrage Association]] (NWSA) agreed to host its founding congress. The preparatory work was handled primarily by Anthony and two of her younger colleagues in the NWSA, [[Rachel Foster Avery]] and [[May Wright Sewall]]. Delegates from fifty-three women's organizations in nine countries met in Washington in 1888 to form the new association, which was called the [[International Council of Women]] (ICW). The delegates represented a wide variety of organizations, including suffrage associations, professional groups, literary clubs, temperance unions, labor leagues and missionary societies. The [[American Woman Suffrage Association]], which had for years been a rival to the NWSA, participated in the congress. Anthony opened the first session of the ICW and presided over most events.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 283–287.</ref>

The ICW commanded respect at the highest levels. [[Grover Cleveland|President Cleveland]] and his wife sponsored a reception at the [[White House]] for delegates to the ICW's founding congress. The ICW's second congress was an integral part of the [[World's Columbian Exposition]] held in Chicago in 1893. At its third congress in London in 1899, a reception for the ICW was held at [[Windsor Castle]] at the invitation of [[Queen Victoria]]. At its fourth congress in Berlin in 1904, [[Augusta Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein|Augusta Victoria]], the German Empress, received the ICW leaders at her palace. Anthony played a prominent role on all four occasions.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 287, 328–329, 349. [[Queen Victoria]] arranged for the Windsor Castle reception, but she was not present at it.</ref>

Still active, ICW is associated with the United Nations.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.icw-cif.com/01/03.php|title=History|publisher=International Council of Women|access-date=January 24, 2018|archive-date=August 25, 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160825193502/http://www.icw-cif.com/01/03.php|url-status=dead}}</ref>

====World's Congress of Representative Women====
[[File:Woman's Building (closeup) designed by Sophia Hayden.png|thumb|Woman's Building at the World's Columbian Exposition]]

The [[World's Columbian Exposition]], also known as the Chicago World's Fair, was held in 1893. It hosted several world congresses, each dealing with a specialized topic, such as religion, medicine and science.<ref>[https://www.chipublib.org/fa-worlds-congress-auxiliary-pre-publications-programs-and-circulars-collection/  World’s Congress Auxiliary Pre-Publications, Programs and Circulars Collection], Chicago Public Library.</ref> At almost the last moment, the U.S. Congress decided that the Exposition should also recognize the role of women. After it was over, one of the organizers of the Exposition's congress of women revealed that Anthony had played a pivotal but hidden role in that last-minute decision. Fearing that a public campaign would rouse opposition, Anthony had worked quietly to organize support for this project among women of the political elite. Anthony increased the pressure by covertly initiating a petition that was signed by wives and daughters of Supreme Court judges, senators, cabinet members and other dignitaries.<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 4, [https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu04stanuoft#page/232/mode/2up pp. 232–233]. The official who revealed this information was Rachel Foster Avery, an associate of Anthony who served on the organizing committee for the women's congress.</ref>

A large structure called the Woman's Building, designed by [[Sophia Hayden Bennett]], was constructed to provide meeting and exhibition spaces for women at the Exposition. Two of Anthony's closest associates were appointed to organize the women's congress. They arranged for the [[International Council of Women]] to make its upcoming meeting part of the Exposition by expanding its scope and calling itself the [[World's Congress of Representative Women]].<ref>Sewall, May Wright, editor (1894). ''The World's Congress of Representative Women''. New York: Rand, McNally, [https://books.google.com/books?id=VjspAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA46 pp. 46–48] [[Bertha Palmer]] was in charge of women's activities at the Exposition. She appointed [[May Wright Sewall]] as chair and [[Rachel Foster Avery]] as secretary of the organizing committee for the women's congress; both were associates of Anthony.</ref> This week-long congress seated delegates from 27 countries. Its 81 sessions, many held simultaneously, were attended by over 150,000 people, and women's suffrage was discussed at almost every session.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 1, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa01harpgoog#page/n279/mode/2up p. 748].</ref> Anthony spoke to large crowds at the Exposition.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://ecssba.rutgers.edu/docs/sbaexpo.html|title= Speeches by Susan B. Anthony at Columbian Exposition, 1893|date=May 1893|work=The Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony Papers Project|publisher=Rutgers University|access-date=November 18, 2013}}</ref>

[[Buffalo Bill|"Buffalo Bill" Cody]] invited her as a guest to his Wild West Show, located just outside the Exposition.<ref>Larson, Eric (2003). ''Devil in the White City: Murder, Magic, and Madness at the Fair That Changed America'', New York: Random House, p. 133.</ref> When the show opened, he rode his horse directly to her and greeted her with dramatic flair. According to a co-worker, Anthony, "for the moment as enthusiastic as a girl, waved her handkerchief at him, while the big audience, catching the spirit of the scene, wildly applauded."<ref>Shaw, Anna Howard (1915). ''The Story of a Pioneer'', [https://archive.org/details/storyapioneer01jordgoog/page/n242 p. 207]. New York: Harper and Brothers. Instead of applauding, women of that era sometimes waved white handkerchiefs to show approval, a practice known as the [[Chautauqua Institute|Chautauqua]] salute. See Sherr (1995), p. 308.</ref>

====International Woman Suffrage Alliance====
After Anthony retired as president of the [[National American Woman Suffrage Association]], [[Carrie Chapman Catt]], her chosen successor, began working toward an international women's suffrage association, one of Anthony's long-time goals. The existing [[International Council of Women]] could not be expected to support a campaign for women's suffrage because it was a broad alliance whose more conservative members would object. In 1902, Catt organized a preparatory meeting in Washington, with Anthony as chair, that was attended by delegates from several countries. Organized primarily by Catt, the [[International Alliance of Women|International Woman Suffrage Alliance]] was created in Berlin in 1904. The founding meeting was chaired by Anthony, who was declared to be the new organization's honorary president and first member.<ref>Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 6,
[https://archive.org/stream/historyofwomansu06stanuoft#page/804/mode/2up pp. 805–811].</ref>
According to Anthony's authorized biographer, "no event ever gave Miss Anthony such profound satisfaction as this one".<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 3, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa02harpgoog#page/n265/mode/2up p. 1326].</ref>

Later renamed the [[International Alliance of Women]], the organization is still active and is affiliated with the United Nations.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://womenalliance.org/what-is-iaw|title=What is IAW|publisher=International Alliance of Women|access-date=November 15, 2013}}</ref>

===Changing relationship with Stanton===
[[File:Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Elizabeth Cady Stanton]] (sitting) with Anthony]]

Anthony and Stanton worked together in a close and productive relationship. From 1880 to 1886, they were together almost every day working on the ''[[History of Woman Suffrage]]''.<ref name=griffith-182>Griffith (1984), p. 182.</ref>
They referred to each other as "Susan" and "Mrs. Stanton".<ref>Barry (1988), p. 63.</ref>
Anthony deferred to Stanton in other ways also, not accepting an office in any organization that would place her above Stanton.<ref>Barry (1988), p. 297.</ref>
In practice this generally meant that Anthony, although ostensibly holding a less important office, handled most of the organization's daily activities.<ref>Ward (1999), p. 72.</ref>
Stanton sometimes felt the weight of Anthony's determination and drive. When Stanton arrived at an important meeting in 1888 with her speech not yet written, Anthony insisted that Stanton stay in her hotel room until she had written it, and she placed a younger colleague outside her door to make sure she did so.<ref>Barry (1988), p. 286.</ref>
At Anthony's 70th birthday celebration, Stanton teased her by saying, "Well, as all women are supposed to be under the thumb of some man, I prefer a tyrant of my own sex, so I shall not deny the patent fact of my subjection."<ref>Gordon (2009). [https://books.google.com/books?id=QSWhKqKt1moC&pg=PA242 p. 242].</ref>

Their interests began to diverge somewhat as they grew older. As the drive for women's suffrage gained momentum, Anthony began to form alliances with more conservative groups, such as the [[Women's Christian Temperance Union]], the nation's largest women's organization and a supporter of women's suffrage.<ref>Griffith (1984), pp. 182, 194.</ref>
Such moves irritated Stanton, who said, "I get more radical as I get older, while she seems to grow more conservative."<ref>Stanton's diary, January 9, 1889, quoted in Griffith (1984), p. 195.</ref> In 1895 Stanton published ''[[The Woman's Bible]]'', which attacked the use of the [[Bible]] to relegate women to an inferior status. It became a highly controversial best-seller. The NAWSA voted to disavow any connection with it despite Anthony's strong objection that such a move was unnecessary and hurtful.<ref>Griffith (1984), pp. 210–213.</ref>
Even so, Anthony refused to assist with the book's preparation, telling Stanton: "You say 'women must be emancipated from their superstitions before enfranchisement will have any benefit,' and I say just the reverse, that women must be enfranchised before they can be emancipated from their superstitions."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa01harpgoog#page/n395/mode/2up p. 857].</ref>
Despite such friction, their relationship continued to be close. When Stanton died in 1902, Anthony wrote to a friend: "Oh, this awful hush! It seems impossible that voice is stilled which I have loved to hear for fifty years. Always I have felt I must have Mrs. Stanton's opinion of things before I knew where I stood myself. I am all at sea..."<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 3, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa02harpgoog#page/n195/mode/2up p. 1264].</ref>

===Later life===
[[File:Susan-b-anthony-house.jpg|thumb|left|upright|The house that Susan B. Anthony shared with her sister in Rochester. She was arrested here for voting.]]

Having lived for years in hotels and with friends and relatives, Anthony agreed to settle into her sister [[Mary Stafford Anthony]]'s house in Rochester in 1891, at the age of 71.<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 262, 300.</ref>
Her energy and stamina, which sometimes exhausted her co-workers, continued at a remarkable level. At age 75, she toured [[Yosemite National Park]] on the back of a mule.<ref>Harper (1898–1908), Vol. 2, [https://archive.org/stream/lifeandworksusa01harpgoog#page/n369/mode/2up p. 831].</ref>

She remained as leader of the NAWSA and continued to travel extensively on suffrage work. She also engaged in local projects. In 1893, she initiated the Rochester branch of the [[Women's Educational and Industrial Union]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.winningthevote.org/weiu.html|title=Women's Educational and Industrial Union|work=Western New York Suffragists: Biographies and Images|year=2000|publisher=Rochester Regional Council Library|access-date=November 7, 2013|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131124121716/http://winningthevote.org/weiu.html|archive-date=November 24, 2013}}</ref> In 1898, she called a meeting of 73 local women's societies to form the Rochester Council of Women. She played a key role in raising the funds required by the [[University of Rochester]] before they would admit women students, pledging her life insurance policy to close the final funding gap.<ref>McKelvey (April 1945)], [https://www.libraryweb.org/~rochhist/v7_1945/v7i2.pdf#page=22 pp. 22–23].</ref>

In 1896, she spent eight months on the California suffrage campaign, speaking as many as three times per day in more than 30 localities. In 1900, she presided over her last NAWSA convention. During the six remaining years of her life, Anthony spoke at six more NAWSA conventions and four congressional hearings, completed the fourth volume of the ''History of Woman Suffrage'', and traveled to eighteen states and to Europe.<ref>Sherr (1995), pp. 320–321, 120.</ref> As Anthony's fame grew, some politicians (certainly not all of them) were happy to be publicly associated with her. Her seventieth birthday was celebrated at a national event in Washington with prominent members of the House and Senate in attendance.<ref>Sherr (1995), pp. 265–270, 310.</ref> Her eightieth birthday was celebrated at the [[White House]] at the invitation of President [[William McKinley]].<ref>Barry (1988), pp. 331–32.</ref>