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Norman Tebbit
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==Member of Parliament== Tebbit was elected as MP for [[Epping (UK Parliament constituency)|Epping]] in [[1970 United Kingdom general election|1970]] and then for [[Chingford (UK Parliament constituency)|Chingford]] in [[February 1974 United Kingdom general election|February 1974]]. He is recorded as an MP member of the [[Conservative Monday Club]] in 1970.<ref>Copping, Robert, ''The Story of The Monday Club – The First Decade'', London, April 1972: 21.</ref> Tebbit's first intervention as an MP was to ask a question of the then Minister at the [[Board of Trade]], [[Frederick Corfield]], on 6 July 1970. His question was on the subject of a [[Dan-Air Flight 1903|crash of a Comet-4 aircraft in Spain]] on 3 July, which killed all the 112 people on board at the time.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1970/jul/06/aircraft-accident-spain#S5CV0803P0_19700706_HOC_257 |title=AIRCRAFT ACCIDENT (SPAIN) (Hansard, 6 July 1970) |work=[[Hansard|Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)]] |access-date=9 November 2013 |archive-date=9 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131109230432/http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1970/jul/06/aircraft-accident-spain#S5CV0803P0_19700706_HOC_257 |date=6 July 1970 |url-status=live }}</ref> In 1975, six men (the 'Ferrybridge Six') were dismissed from their jobs because of the introduction of a closed shop and were denied [[unemployment benefit]]. The [[Secretary of State for Employment]], [[Michael Foot]], commented: "A person who declines to fall in with new conditions of employment which result from a collective agreement may well be considered to have brought about his own dismissal". Tebbit accused Foot of "pure undiluted [[fascism]]" and affirmed that this "left Mr Foot exposed as a bitter opponent of [[Freedom (political)|freedom]] and [[liberty]]".<ref>Norman Tebbit, ''Upwardly Mobile'' (Futura, 1991), p. 192.</ref> The next day (2 December) ''The Times'' first leader —titled "{{sc2|IS MR FOOT A FASCIST?}}"—quoted Tebbit and went on: <blockquote>Mr Foot's doctrine is intolerable because it is a violation of the liberty of the ordinary man in his job. Mr Tebbit is therefore using fascism in a legitimate descriptive sense when he accuses Mr. Foot of it. We perhaps need to revive the phrase "[[social fascism]]" to describe the modern British development of the corporate state and its bureaucratic attack on personal liberty. The question is not therefore: "is Mr. Foot a fascist?" but "does Mr. Foot know he is a fascist?"<ref>{{Cite news|title=Is Mr Foot a Fascist? |newspaper=[[The Times]] |location=UK |page=13 |date=2 December 1975 }}</ref></blockquote> During the [[Grunwick dispute]], when workers went on strike over pay and working conditions, the owner George Ward refused to recognise their trade union, and there was a split in the Conservative Shadow Cabinet between the conciliatory approach of [[Jim Prior]], the Shadow Employment Secretary, and [[Keith Joseph]]. Tebbit involved himself in that dispute by making a controversial speech on 12 September 1977, in which he said: <blockquote>Inside Britain there is a ... threat from the Marxist collectivist totalitarians. ... Just to state that fact is to be accused of 'union-bashing'. ... Such people are to be found in the Conservative, Liberal and Labour Parties. Their politics may be different but such people share the morality of [[Pierre Laval|Laval]] and [[Pétain]] ... they are willing not only to tolerate evil, but to excuse it. ... Both Jim Prior and Keith Joseph know that George Ward and Grunwick are not perfect, nor was Czechoslovakia perfect in 1938. But if Ward and Grunwick are destroyed by the red fascists, then, as in 1938, we will have to ask, whose turn is it next? Yes, it is like 1938. We can all see the evil, but the doctrine of appeasement is still to be heard.<ref>Tebbit, pp. 194–5.</ref></blockquote> Tebbit was accused of comparing Prior to Laval and at that year's Conservative Party conference, he attempted to avoid personalising the issue, and openly splitting the party, without retracting what he had said. Tebbit said of these differences: "I'm a hawk—but no kamikaze. And Jim's a dove—but he's not chicken".<ref>Tebbit, p. 196.</ref> During a debate in Parliament on 2 March 1978, [[Michael Foot]] labelled Tebbit a "semi-house-trained [[wikt:polecat|polecat]]" in response to a question from Tebbit asking if he accepted that the legislation being proposed that made it compulsory for people to join a Trade Union was an act of Fascism. When he was made Lord Tebbit in 1992, he chose a polecat as one of the symbols on his coat of arms.<ref>{{cite news |first=Norman |last= Tebbit |url=http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/normantebbit/100028735/michael-foots-polecat-jibe-demeaned-him-but-boosted-my-career/ |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100310074025/http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/normantebbit/100028735/michael-foots-polecat-jibe-demeaned-him-but-boosted-my-career/ |url-status=dead |archive-date=10 March 2010 |location=London |title=Michael Foot's 'polecat' jibe demeaned him but boosted my career |date=7 March 2010 |work=The Daily Telegraph}}</ref>{{Failed verification|date=December 2024}} Later, in the debate Tebbit asked Foot whether he would "put a bridle on his foul-mouthed tongue".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.margaretthatcher.org/speeches/displaydocument.asp?docid=103629 |title=HC PQ Business of the House, | Margaret Thatcher Foundation |publisher=Margaretthatcher.org |access-date=17 August 2014}}</ref> ===First Thatcher ministry=== [[File:Informele conferentie industrieministers van EEG in Groningen, Minister Van Aardenne (r) met Britse minister van Industrie Tebbit op Schiphol, Bestanddeelnr 931-4198.jpg|thumb|left|Tebbit (left) with then Dutch Minister of Economic Affairs [[Gijs van Aardenne]] (right) in 1981]] After the Conservative Party regained power after the [[1979 United Kingdom general election|general election of 1979]], Tebbit was appointed Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Trade. In the [[First Thatcher ministry#September 1981 to June 1983|September 1981 Cabinet reshuffle]], Thatcher appointed Tebbit as [[Employment Secretary]]. This was seen as a shift to a 'tougher' approach to the trade unions than had been the case under Tebbit's predecessor, [[Jim Prior]]. Tebbit introduced the [[Employment Act 1982]] which raised the level of compensation for those unfairly dismissed from a closed shop and prohibited closed shops unless 80% of relevant workers approved the arrangement in periodic ballots. It also removed trade unions' immunity from liability in tort – i.e. made trade unions liable for civil damages if they committed unlawful acts, and made injunctions possible against such acts. In his memoirs Tebbit said that the 1982 Act was his "greatest achievement in Government".<ref>Tebbit, p. 233.</ref> In March 2021 Tebbit was reported by ''[[The Times]]'' to have said, during a [[Zoom (software)|Zoom]] meeting, that Special Branch had regularly spied on union leaders while he was employment secretary.<ref>{{Cite news|last= Maguire |first=Patrick |title=Special Branch spied on union leaders, Norman Tebbit admits |language=en |url=https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/special-branch-spied-on-union-leaders-norman-tebbit-admits-xv20rkmzw |newspaper=[[The Times]] |access-date=22 March 2021|issn=0140-0460}}</ref> In the aftermath of the 1981 riots in [[1981 Handsworth riots|Handsworth]] and [[1981 Brixton riot|Brixton]], Tebbit responded to a suggestion by the [[Young Conservatives (UK)|Young Conservative]] National chairman, [[Iain Picton]] that rioting was the natural reaction to unemployment: <blockquote>I grew up in the '30s with an unemployed father. He didn't riot. He got on his bike and looked for work, and he kept looking till he found it.</blockquote> As a result, Tebbit is often misquoted as having directly told the unemployed to "get on your bike", and he was popularly referred to as "Onyerbike" for some considerable time afterwards.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Blackall |first=Shareen |title=OnyerBike Tories: We want jobs NOW! |language=en |url=https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/militant/1982/588-12-02-1982.pdf |access-date=22 March 2021 |newspaper=[[Militant tendency|Militant (newspaper)]] |date=12 February 1982}}</ref> The former Conservative Prime Minister [[Harold Macmillan]] once remarked of Tebbit: "Heard a chap on the radio this morning talking with a cockney accent. They tell me he is one of Her Majesty's ministers".<ref>{{Cite news |url=http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2001/may/10/redbox.houseofcommons|title=When Labour MPs wore miners' helmets|first= Chris |last= Moncrieff |date=10 May 2001 |newspaper=[[The Guardian]] }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Grant |first=Don |title=CLUBBING: Pratts? If you say so, sir |url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4159/is_20031026/ai_n12749113 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090215011259/http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4159/is_20031026/ai_n12749113 |url-status=dead |archive-date=15 February 2009 |access-date=24 August 2018 |newspaper=[[The Independent on Sunday]] |date=26 October 2003 }}</ref> Peter Dorey of [[Cardiff University]] wrote that "it was Norman Tebbit... who was perhaps the public face or voice of [[Essex man]], and articulated his views and prejudices".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.uc.edu/bpg/bpg120pagemaker.pdf |title=British Politics Group Newsletter, Spring 2005 |access-date=17 August 2014}}</ref> ===Second Thatcher ministry=== The [[Nuffield College, Oxford|Nuffield]] study of the [[1983 United Kingdom general election|1983 general election]] found that Tebbit was the second most prominent Conservative on radio and television news broadcasts during the campaign with 81 appearances (after Thatcher's 331 appearances).<ref>Campbell, p. 194.</ref> In the post-election [[Second Thatcher ministry#Changes|October 1983 reshuffle]], Tebbit was moved from Employment to become [[Trade and Industry Secretary]], replacing [[Cecil Parkinson]], who had resigned. Thatcher had actually wanted Tebbit to become [[Home Secretary]], but [[William Whitelaw]] vetoed this.<ref>Campbell, pp. 205–206.</ref> Tebbit was injured in the [[Provisional Irish Republican Army|IRA]]'s [[Brighton hotel bombing|bombing of the Grand Hotel, Brighton]] during the 1984 Conservative Party conference.<ref name=Ross /> His wife, [[Margaret Tebbit|Margaret]], was permanently disabled.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/terrorism-in-the-uk/6622798/Lord-Tebbits-wife-Margaret-Norman-and-I-dont-have-time-to-cry.html |date=22 November 2009 |title=Lord Tebbit's wife Margaret: Norman and I don't have time to cry|last=Donnelly|first=Laura|newspaper=[[The Daily Telegraph]] |access-date=1 August 2017}}</ref> In 1985, Tebbit was appointed [[Chairman of the Conservative Party]] and [[Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster]], as Thatcher wanted to keep him in the Cabinet. During the [[Westland affair]] Tebbit was against the [[Sikorsky Aircraft Corporation]] taking over [[Westland Aircraft]]. Tebbit opposed the [[1986 United States bombing of Libya]] from British bases and objected to Thatcher's refusal to consult the Cabinet fully on the matter. However, he did criticise the [[BBC]] for its supposedly biased reporting of the raid. During the same year, he disbanded the [[Federation of Conservative Students]]<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.socialaffairsunit.org.uk/blog/archives/001216.php|title=FCS twenty years on – Harry Phibbs remembers his days in the Federation of Conservative Students|last1=Phibbs|first1=Harry|date=30 October 2006 |publisher=The Social Affairs Unit|access-date=15 May 2013}}</ref> for publishing an article, penned by Harry Phibbs, following [[Nikolai Tolstoy]]'s accusation that former Conservative Prime Minister [[Harold Macmillan]] was complicit in the forced repatriation of [[Cossacks]] in the aftermath of the [[Second World War]]. On 13 April 1986, Tebbit and his chief of staff [[Michael Dobbs]] visited Thatcher at [[Chequers]] to present her with the results of polling by [[Saatchi & Saatchi]] which found that with inflation down and the trade unions weakened, "the Prime Minister's combative virtues were being received as vices: her determination was perceived as stubbornness, her single-mindedness as inflexibility, and her strong will as an inability to listen".<ref>Campbell, p. 499.</ref> Tebbit and Dobbs told her this was becoming known as the "TBW factor": TBW standing for "That Bloody Woman". They recommended Thatcher take a lower profile in the forthcoming general election. A few weeks later, Tebbit gave an interview to [[John Mortimer]] for ''[[The Spectator]]'' where he said of Thatcher: <blockquote>It's a question of her leadership when our aims aren't clearly defined. When people understand what she's doing there's a good deal of admiration for her energy and resolution and persistence, even from those people who don't agree with her. Now there's a perception that we don't know where we're going so those same qualities don't seem so attractive.<ref name=campbell500>Campbell, p. 500.</ref> </blockquote>Thatcher disagreed and her biographer claims she was suspicious of Tebbit's motives. Furthermore, Thatcher commissioned the firm [[Young and Rubicam]] to carry out their own polling, which concluded that Thatcher's leadership was not the problem. Throughout the rest of 1986 and into the 1987 election, Thatcher continued to use Young and Rubicam, which eventually caused tensions with Tebbit during the election campaign.<ref name=campbell500 /> For quite a while, Tebbit was seen as Thatcher's natural successor as Party leader. During early 1986, when Thatcher's popularity declined in the polls, commentators began to suggest that the succession of the Conservative leadership would lie between [[Michael Heseltine]] and Tebbit.<ref>Campbell, p. 498.</ref> At the 1986 Conservative Party Conference in [[Bournemouth]], Tebbit—along with Saatchi and Saatchi, Dobbs and the Conservatives' Director of Research, [[Robin Harris (author)|Robin Harris]]—came up with the next party slogan—'The Next Move Forward'. For the first time, the Conservatives employed pre-conference advertising to publicise the new-style conference. Tebbit persuaded Thatcher that ministers would state their objectives that they would achieve in the next three years; Saatchi & Saatchi would use these to design posters, leaflets, and brochures to be deployed as each minister finished their speech. The aim "was that in 1986 the media should reflect the image I wanted—of a Government confident, united, clear in where it was going—and determined to get there".<ref>Tebbit, p. 319.</ref> According to Tebbit the conference "was more successful than I had dared to hope ... the opinion polls which had us 7% behind in June and still 5% down in September now put us back into first place—a position we never relinquished from then right through the election campaign. The Prime Minister's ratings were immediately restored".<ref>Tebbit, p. 320.</ref> A [[MORI]] opinion poll in March 1987 saw Tebbit as second-favourite amongst voters as Thatcher's successor (Heseltine: 24% vs Tebbit: 15%); however, amongst Conservative voters, Tebbit was the front-runner with (Heseltine: 14% vs Tebbit: 21%).<ref>Watkins, p. 88.</ref> In October 1988, MORI asked the same question, with similar results (Heseltine: 22% vs Tebbit: 15%) and (Heseltine: 20% vs Tebbit: 26%) amongst Conservative voters.<ref>Watkins, p. 93.</ref> However, Thatcher apparently once told [[Rupert Murdoch]]: "I couldn't get him elected as leader of the Tory party even if I wanted – nor would the country elect him if he was".<ref>Andrew Neil, ''Full Disclosure'' (Macmillan, 1996), p. 236.</ref> On 6 January 1987, the journalist [[Hugo Young]] published a quote attributed to Tebbit in ''[[The Guardian]]'' newspaper. Tebbit's chief of staff, [[Michael Dobbs]], responded by writing a letter to the newspaper citing Young's dislike of Tebbit, adding "Perhaps this explains the invention of the quotation he [Mr Young] attributed to Mr Tebbit". The quote was "No-one with a conscience votes Conservative". Before this letter was published, however, the words "the invention of" had been removed. Despite publishing this letter ''The Guardian'' subsequently repeated the quote, and Young again attributed it to him in a letter to ''[[The Spectator]]''. Tebbit feared that if no action was taken against ''The Guardian'' the [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour Party]] would use this quote against the Conservatives in the forthcoming general election. With Thatcher's consent Tebbit threatened the newspaper with legal action if they did not retract the quotation and apologise to Tebbit. The case continued until 1988 when ''The Guardian'' apologised, published a retraction and paid £14,000 in libel [[damages]] in an out-of-court settlement.<ref>Tebbit, p. 328.</ref> During the [[1987 United Kingdom general election|1987 general election]], Tebbit and Saatchi & Saatchi spearheaded the Conservative campaign, focusing on the economy and defence. However, when on 'Wobbly Thursday' it was rumoured a Marplan opinion poll showed a 2% Conservative lead, the 'exiles' camp of [[David Young, Baron Young of Graffham|David Young]], [[Tim Bell]] and the Young and Rubicam firm advocated a more aggressively anti-Labour message. This was when, according to Young's memoirs, Young got Tebbit by the lapels and shook him, shouting: "Norman, listen to me, we're about to lose this fucking election".<ref>Campbell, p. 522.</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.spectator.co.uk/the-week/13411/has-gordon-brown-delivered-his-last-budget-the-truth-is-that-blair-hasnt-yet-decided/ |title=Has Gordon Brown delivered his last Budget? The truth is that Blair hasn't yet decided |date=19 March 2005 |work=The Spectator |first=Peter |last=Oborne }}</ref> In his memoirs, Tebbit defends the Conservative campaign: "We finished exactly as planned on the ground where Labour was weak and we were strong—defence, taxation, and the economy".<ref>Tebbit, p. 336.</ref> During the election campaign, however, Tebbit and Thatcher argued.<ref>Margaret Thatcher, ''The Downing Street Years'' (HarperCollins, 1993), p. 584.</ref> Tebbit had already informed Thatcher at the beginning of the campaign that he would leave the government after the election to care for his wife.<ref name=tebbit332 /> Thatcher said to her friend [[Woodrow Wyatt]] on the Sunday after polling day in 1987: "He'll carry the scar of that Brighton bombing all his life. I didn't want him to go. Whenever he is away from her he can't even attend to business properly. He's always ringing up to find out if the nurses are looking after his wife all right".<ref>Woodrow Wyatt, ''The Journals of Woodrow Wyatt. Volume One'' (Pan, 1999), p. 371.</ref> In her memoirs, Thatcher said she "bitterly regretted" losing a like-minded person from the Cabinet.<ref>Thatcher, p. 587.</ref> On 31 July 1987, Tebbit was appointed to the [[Order of the Companions of Honour]].<ref>{{London Gazette |issue=51014 |date=31 July 1987 |page=2 |supp=y}}</ref> ===Backbenches=== As Trade and Industry Secretary, Tebbit had privatised British Telecom in November 1984. He became a director of the company on 3 November 1987; this gave him an additional salary plus shares in the company. In late 1987 and 1988, Tebbit formed a temporary alliance with [[Michael Heseltine]] in campaigning for the abolition of the [[Inner London Education Authority]], which they succeeded in achieving through a backbench amendment.<ref>Watkins, p. 91.</ref> Tebbit was also prominent in an unsuccessful Conservative backbench rebellion against a Bill to give 50,000 households (around 250,000 people) from Hong Kong [[British Nationality (Hong Kong) Selection Scheme|British citizenship]].<ref>Whitney, Craig R., 10 January 1990. [https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CEFDA1E3CF933A25752C0A966958260 Big British Fight Shapes Up On Hong Kong Emigre Plan]. Retrieved 8 July 2008.</ref><ref>Rule, Sheila. 20 April 1990. [https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE1DB1338F933A15757C0A966958260 Britain Will Offer Refuge to 50,000 Successful Hong Kong Families]. Retrieved 8 July 2008.</ref> In April 1988, Tebbit caused much controversy when, in front of an audience of South African dignitaries, he accused critics of South African apartheid of cowardice and stinking hypocrisy. He said that, although black critics attacked apartheid in South Africa, they did not speak out against violence among black tribes in South Africa. Archbishop [[Desmond Tutu]] was visiting London at the time and called on Thatcher to repudiate the remarks; instead, she defended Tebbit.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=jVgVAAAAIBAJ&pg=5109,5357391&dq=norman+tebbit&hl=en |work=The Sydney Morning Herald |title=Row over Tory Chief's Support |date=22 April 1988 |access-date=17 August 2014}}</ref> In April 1990, he proposed the "[[Cricket test]]", also known as the "Tebbit Test", when he argued that whether people from [[ethnic minority|ethnic minorities]] in Britain supported the England cricket team (rather than the team from their country of ancestry) should be considered a barometer—but not the sole indicator—of whether they are truly British: "A large proportion of Britain's Asian population fail to pass the cricket test. Which side do they cheer for? It's an interesting test. Are you still harking back to where you came from or where you are?"<ref>John Carvel, [https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2004/jan/08/britishidentity.race 'Tebbit's cricket loyalty test hit for six'], ''The Guardian'', 8 January 2004.</ref> Tebbit told Woodrow Wyatt in 1991 that he did not think certain immigrant communities would assimilate "because some of them insist on sticking to their own culture, like the Muslims in Bradford and so forth, and they are extremely dangerous".<ref>Woodrow Wyatt, ''The Journals of Woodrow Wyatt. Volume Two'' (Pan, 2000), p. 530.</ref> In August 2005, after the [[7 July 2005 London bombings]], which were carried out by three young men of Pakistani descent and one of Jamaican descent, Tebbit claimed vindication for these views.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.politics.co.uk/news/2005/8/19/cricket-test-could-have-prevented-terror-atta |title='Tebbit: 'Cricket test' could have stopped bombings' |date=19 August 2005 |publisher=Epolitix.com |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140715001703/http://www.politics.co.uk/news/2005/8/19/cricket-test-could-have-prevented-terror-atta |access-date=17 August 2014|archive-date=15 July 2014 }}</ref> In a conversation with Woodrow Wyatt on 19 December 1988, Tebbit said he would not go back into politics unless Thatcher "was run over by the proverbial bus and he didn't like the look of the person he thought might get her job and destroy the work they've done".<ref>Wyatt, ''Volume One'', p. 692.</ref> On another occasion (22 February 1990), Tebbit said to Wyatt that he would stand for the Conservative leadership if Thatcher suddenly resigned; but when [[Alec Douglas-Home]] suggested that Thatcher would not stand at the next election because she must be tired, Tebbit disagreed: "She has got amazing stamina".<ref>Wyatt, ''Volume Two'', pp. 244–5.</ref> Following [[Geoffrey Howe]]'s resignation from the government in November 1990, Thatcher asked Tebbit to return to the Cabinet as [[Secretary of State for Education and Skills|Education Secretary]], but he refused on the grounds that he was looking after his disabled wife.<ref>Thatcher, p. 835.</ref> During the [[1990 Conservative Party leadership election|1990 Conservative leadership election]], Tebbit was on Thatcher's campaign team with the job of assessing her support amongst Conservative MPs.<ref>Thatcher, p. 846.</ref> According to Thatcher's biographer [[John Campbell (biographer)|John Campbell]], Tebbit was "her most visible cheerleader...who characteristically took the fight to Heseltine by holding a cheeky press conference on his Belgravia doorstep".<ref>Campbell, p. 724.</ref> After the first ballot but before the results became known, Tebbit wanted Thatcher to make a clear commitment to fight the second ballot if her vote fell short of the amount needed to win outright.<ref>Campbell, p. 731.</ref> When Tebbit saw Thatcher on 21 November he told her she was the candidate with the best chance of beating Heseltine.<ref>Thatcher, p. 847.</ref> However, Thatcher withdrew from the contest the next day. Tebbit wanted to stand, but never did. Tebbit subsequently switched his support to [[John Major]].<ref>Watkins, p. 215.</ref> After Major came back from Maastricht with an opt-out from the Social Chapter and the single currency, Tebbit was one of the few MPs in the debate on 18 December 1991 to criticise the new powers the Community would acquire. He claimed the government had been on the defensive against "federalist follies" and that Maastricht had seen "a series of bridgeheads into our constitution, into the powers of this House, and into the lives of individuals and businesses".<ref>Christopher Booker and Richard North, ''The Great Deception. A Secret History of the European Union'' (Continuum, 2003), p. 276.</ref>
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