Editing French Revolution (section)

== Crisis of the ''Ancien Régime'' ==

[[File:Parliaments and Sovereign Councils of the Kingdom of France in 1789 (fr).png|left|thumb|upright=1.0|The regional ''Parlements'' in 1789; note area covered by the [[Parlement of Paris]]]]

=== Financial and political crisis ===
France faced a series of budgetary crises during the 18th century as revenues failed to keep pace with expenditure.{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=36}}{{Sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=485, 490–491}} Although the economy grew solidly, the increase was not reflected in a proportional growth in taxes,{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=36}} their collection being contracted to [[Farm (revenue leasing)|tax farmers]] who kept much of it as personal profit. As the nobility and Church benefited from many exemptions, the tax burden fell mainly on peasants.{{Sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=483–485}} Reform was difficult because new tax laws had to be registered with regional judicial bodies or ''[[parlement]]s'' that were able to block them. The king could impose laws by decree, but this risked open conflict with the ''parlements'', the nobility, and those subject to new taxes.{{Sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=482–483}}

France primarily funded the [[Anglo-French War (1778–1783)|Anglo-French War]] of 1778–1783 through loans. Following the peace, the monarchy borrowed heavily, culminating in a debt crisis. By 1788, half of state revenue was required to service its debt.{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=38}} In 1786, the French finance minister, [[Charles Alexandre de Calonne|Calonne]], proposed a package of reforms including a universal land tax, the abolition of grain controls and internal tariffs, and new provincial assemblies appointed by the king. The new taxes were rejected, first by a hand-picked [[Assembly of Notables]] dominated by the nobility, then by the ''parlements'' when submitted by Calonne's successor [[Étienne Charles de Loménie de Brienne|Brienne]]. The notables and ''parlements'' argued that the proposed taxes could only be approved by an Estates-General, a representative body that had last met in 1614.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=69–76}}

The conflict between the Crown and the ''parlements'' became a national political crisis. Both sides issued a series of public statements, the government arguing that it was combating privilege and the ''parlement'' defending the ancient rights of the nation. Public opinion was firmly on the side of the ''parlements'', and riots broke out in several towns. Brienne's attempts to raise new loans failed, and on 8 August 1788, he announced that the king would summon an Estates-General to convene the following May. Brienne resigned and was replaced by [[Jacques Necker]].{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=75–85}}

In September 1788, the Parlement of Paris ruled that the Estates-General should convene in the same form as in 1614, meaning that the three estates (the clergy, nobility, and Third Estate or "commons") would meet and vote separately, with votes counted by estate rather than by head. As a result, the clergy and nobility could combine to outvote the Third Estate despite representing less than 5% of the population.{{Sfn|Schama|1989|p=115}}{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=88}}

Following the relaxation of censorship and laws against political clubs, a group of liberal nobles and middle class activists known as the Society of Thirty launched a campaign for the doubling of Third Estate representation and individual voting. The public debate sparked an average of 25 new political pamphlets published each week from 25 September 1788.{{Sfn|Cobban|1963|p=135}} The [[Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès|Abbé Sieyès]] issued influential pamphlets titled ''[[What Is the Third Estate?]]'' denouncing the privilege of the clergy and nobility, and arguing the Third Estate represented the nation and should sit alone as a National Assembly. Activists such as [[Jean Joseph Mounier]], [[Antoine Barnave]] and [[Maximilien Robespierre]] organised regional meetings, petitions and literature in support of these demands.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=89–96}} In December, the king agreed to double the representation of the Third Estate but left the question of counting votes for the Estates-General to decide.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=93}}

=== Estates-General of 1789 ===
{{Main|Estates General of 1789 in France}}
[[File:Troisordres.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|Caricature of the Third Estate carrying the First Estate (clergy) and the Second Estate (nobility) on its back]]

The Estates-General contained three separate bodies, the [[Estates of the realm#First Estate|First Estate]] representing 100,000 clergy, the [[Estates of the realm#Second Estate|Second]] the nobility, and the [[Estates of the realm#Third Estate|Third]] the "commons".{{Sfn|Hunt|1984|pp=6–10}} Since each met separately, and any proposals had to be approved by at least two, the First and Second Estates could outvote the Third despite representing less than 5% of the population.{{Sfn|Schama|1989|p=115}}

Although the [[Catholic Church in France]] owned nearly 10% of all land, as well as receiving annual [[tithes]] paid by peasants,{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=59}} three-quarters of the 303 clergy elected were parish priests, many of whom earned less than unskilled labourers and had more in common with their poor parishioners than with the bishops of the first estate.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=99}}{{Sfn|Schama|1989|pp=350–352}} The Second Estate elected 322 deputies, representing about 400,000 men and women, who owned about 25% of the land and collected [[Manorialism|seigneurial]] dues and rents from their tenants. Most delegates were town-dwelling members of the ''[[Nobles of the Sword|noblesse d'épée]]'', or traditional aristocracy. Courtiers and representatives of the {{lang|fr|[[Nobles of the robe|noblesse de robe]]}} (those who derived rank from judicial or administrative posts) were underrepresented.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=99–100}} Of the 610 deputies of the Third Estate, about two-thirds held legal qualifications and almost half were venal office holders. Less than 100 were in trade or industry, and none were peasants or artisans.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=100–101}} To assist delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as ''[[Cahiers de doléances]]''.{{Sfn|Frey|Frey|2004|pp=4–5}} Tax inequality and seigneurial dues (feudal payments owed to landowners) headed the grievances in the ''cahiers de doleances'' for the estate.{{Sfn|Jessene|2013|p=39}}

On 5 May 1789 the Estates-General convened at [[Palace of Versailles|Versailles]]. Necker outlined the state budget and reiterated the king's decision that each estate should decide on which matters it would agree to meet and vote in common with the other estates. On the following day, each estate was to separately verify the credentials of their representatives. The Third Estate, however, voted to invite the other estates to join them in verifying all the representatives of the Estates-General in common and to agree that votes should be counted by head. Fruitless negotiations lasted to 12 June when the Third Estate began verifying its own members. On 17 June, the Third Estate declared itself to be the National Assembly of France and that all existing taxes were illegal.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=101–105}} Within two days, more than 100 members of the clergy had joined them.{{Sfn|Schama|1989|p=355}}

[[File:Serment du Jeu de Paume - Jacques-Louis David.jpg|thumb|left|''Le Serment du Jeu de paume'' by [[Jacques-Louis David]] ({{circa|1791}}), depicting the [[Tennis Court Oath]]]]
Shaken by this challenge to his authority, the king agreed to a reform package that he would announce at a royal session of the Estates-General. The ''Salle des États'' was closed to prepare for the joint session, but the members of the Estates-General were not informed in advance. On 20 June, when the members of the Third Estate found their meeting place closed, they moved to a nearby [[Tennis Court Oath|tennis court and swore]] not to disperse until a new constitution had been agreed.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=105–106}}

At the royal session the king announced a series of tax and other reforms and stated that no new taxes or loans would be implemented without the consent of the Estates-General. However, he stated that the three estates were sacrosanct and it was up to each estate to agree to end their privileges and decide on which matters they would vote in common with the other estates. At the end of the session the Third Estate refused to leave the hall and reiterated their oath not to disperse until a constitution had been agreed. Over the next days more members of the clergy joined the National Assembly. On 27 June, faced with popular demonstrations and mutinies in his [[French Guards Regiment|French Guards]], Louis XVI capitulated. He commanded the members of the first and second estates to join the third in the National Assembly.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=106–108}}