Editing Chiapas (section)

==History==
{{Main|History of Chiapas}}

===Pre-Columbian Era===
Hunter gatherers began to occupy the central valley of the state around 7000 BCE, but little is known about them.<ref name="rincones29">Jiménez González, p. 29.</ref> In the [[Mesoamerican chronology|pre Classic period]] from 1800 BCE to 300 CE, agricultural villages appeared all over the state although hunter gather groups would persist for long after the era.<ref name="enchis">{{cite web |url=http://www.e-local.gob.mx/wb2/ELOCAL/EMM_chiapas |title=Historia |year=2010 |work=Enciclopedia de Los Municipios y Delegaciones de México Estado de Chiapas |publisher=INAFED Instituto para el Federalismo y el Desarrollo Municipal/ SEGOB Secretaría de Gobernación |location=Mexico |language=es |trans-title=History |access-date=May 8, 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110616204839/http://www.e-local.gob.mx/wb2/ELOCAL/EMM_chiapas |archive-date=June 16, 2011}}</ref>
Recent excavations in the [[Soconusco]] region of the state indicate that the oldest civilization to appear in what is now modern Chiapas is that of the [[Mokaya]], which were cultivating corn and living in houses as early as 1500 BCE, making them one of the oldest in Mesoamerica.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="rincones35">Jiménez González, p. 35.</ref> There is speculation that these were the forefathers of the [[Olmec]], migrating across the Grijalva Valley and onto the coastal plain of the Gulf of Mexico to the north, which was Olmec territory. The descendants of Mokaya are the Mixe-Zoque.<ref name="enchis"/> During the pre Classic era, it is known that most of Chiapas was not Olmec, but had close relations with them, especially the Olmecs of the Isthmus of [[Tehuantepec]].<ref name="olmecasarq">{{cite web |author=Thomas A. Lee Whiting |year=1993 |title=Los olmecas en Chiapas |trans-title=The Olmecs in Chiapas |url=http://www.arqueomex.com/S2N3nChiapas87.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110227023031/http://www.arqueomex.com/S2N3nChiapas87.html |archive-date=February 27, 2011 |access-date=May 8, 2011 |publisher=Arqueología Mexicana magazine Editorial Raíces S.A. de C.V. |language=es |location=Mexico City}}</ref>[[File:JaguarStoneMusRegTuxtla.JPG|thumb|150px|Jaguar sculpture from Cintalapa dating between 1000 and 400&nbsp;BCE on display at the [[Regional Museum of Anthropology and History of Chiapas]].]]

[[File:Palace at Palenque.jpg|thumb|left|The Palace at [[Palenque]]]]
Mayan civilization began in the pre-Classic period as well, but did not come into prominence until the [[Mesoamerican chronology|Classic period]] (300–900&nbsp;CE). Development of this culture was agricultural villages during the pre-Classic period with city building during the Classic as social stratification became more complex. In Chiapas, Mayan sites are mostly concentrated along the state's borders with [[Tabasco]] and Guatemala, near Mayan sites in those entities. Most of this area belongs to the [[Lacandon Jungle]].<ref name="rincones2930">Jiménez González, pp. 29–30.</ref> Mayan civilization in the Lacandon area is marked by rising exploitation of rain forest resources, rigid social stratification, fervent local identity, waging war against neighboring peoples.<ref name="enchis" /> At its height, it had large cities, a writing system, and development of scientific knowledge, such as mathematics and astronomy.<ref name="rincones2930" />
[[File:Zona Arqueológica Yaxchilán 4.JPG|thumb|Ancient Maya city of Yaxchilan]]
It is not known what ended the Mayan civilization but theories range from over population size, natural disasters, disease, and loss of natural resources through over exploitation or climate change. Nearly all Mayan cities collapsed around the same time, 900&nbsp;CE. From then [[Pre-Columbian era|until 1500 CE]], social organization of the region fragmented into much smaller units and social structure became much less complex. There was some influence from the rising powers of central Mexico but two main indigenous groups emerged during this time, the Zoques and the various Mayan descendants. The Chiapans, for whom the state is named, migrated into the center of the state during this time and settled around Chiapa de Corzo, the old Mixe–Zoque stronghold.<ref name="enchis" /> There is evidence that the [[Aztec]]s appeared in the center of the state around Chiapa de Corza in the 15th&nbsp;century, but were unable to displace the native Chiapa tribe. However, they had enough influence so that the name of this area and of the state would come from [[Nahuatl]].<ref name="historycom" />

===Colonial period===
{{see also|Spanish conquest of Chiapas}}
[[File:ChiapadeCorzoFuenteColonial.jpg|thumbnail|The Royal Crown centered in the main plaza of [[Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas|Chiapa de Corzo]] built in 1562.]]
When the Spanish arrived in the 16th century, they found the indigenous peoples divided into Mayan and non-Mayan, with the latter dominated by the [[Zoque people|Zoques]] and [[Chiapanec language|Chiapanecas]].<ref name="enchis"/> The first contact between Spaniards and the people of Chiapas came in 1522, when [[Hernán Cortés]] sent tax collectors to the area after Aztec Empire was subdued. The first military incursion was headed by Luis Marín, who arrived in 1523. After three years, Marín was able to subjugate a number of the local peoples, but met with fierce resistance from the [[Tzotzil people|Tzotzils]] in the highlands. The Spanish colonial government then sent a new expedition under [[Diego de Mazariegos]]. Mazariegos had more success than his predecessor, but many natives preferred to commit suicide rather than submit to the Spanish. One famous example of this is the [[Battle of Tepetchia]], where many jumped to their deaths in the [[Sumidero Canyon]].<ref name="hisschmal"/><ref name="jrodriguez"/>

Indigenous resistance was weakened by continual warfare with the Spaniards and disease. By 1530 almost all of the indigenous peoples of the area had been subdued with the exception of the [[Lakandon Ch'ol|Lacandons]] in the deep jungles who actively resisted until 1695.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="historycom"/><ref name="hisschmal"/> However, the main two groups, the Tzotzils and [[Tzeltal people|Tzeltals]] of the central highlands were subdued enough to establish the first Spanish city, today called [[San Cristóbal de las Casas]], in 1528. It was one of two settlements initially called Villa Real de Chiapa de los Españoles and the other called Chiapa de los Indios.<ref name="hisschmal"/><ref name="jrodriguez"/>

[[File:RemnantPaintCupolaSanMarcosTuxtla.JPG|thumb|left|250px|Remnants of frescos at the Saint Mark Cathedral of [[Tuxtla Gutiérrez]]]]
The [[encomienda]] system that had perpetrated much of the labor-related abuse of the indigenous peoples declined by the end of the 16th century, and was replaced by [[hacienda]]s. However, the use and misuse of Indian labor remained a large part of Chiapas politics into modern times.<ref name="enchis" /><ref name="hisschmal" /><ref name="jrodriguez" /> Maltreatment and tribute payments created an undercurrent of resentment in the indigenous population that passed on from generation to generation. [[Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712|One uprising]] against high tribute payments occurred in the Tzeltal communities in the Los Alto region in 1712. Soon, the Tzoltzils and Ch'ols joined the Tzeltales in rebellion, but within a year the government was able to extinguish the rebellion.<ref name="hisschmal" />

As of 1778, [[Thomas Kitchin]] described Chiapas as "the metropolis of the original Mexicans," with a population of approximately 20,000, and consisting mainly of indigenous peoples.<ref name=Kitchin>{{cite book |last=Kitchin |first=Thomas |title=The Present State of the West-Indies: Containing an Accurate Description of What Parts Are Possessed by the Several Powers in Europe |year=1778 |publisher=R. Baldwin |page=27 |url=http://www.wdl.org/en/item/4397/view/1/27/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140222055828/http://www.wdl.org/en/item/4397/view/1/27/ |archive-date=2014-02-22}}</ref> The Spanish introduced new crops such as [[sugar cane]], wheat, [[barley]] and [[indigo]] as main economic staples along native ones such as corn, cotton, [[cacao bean|cacao]] and beans. Livestock such as cattle, horses and sheep were introduced as well. Regions would specialize in certain crops and animals depending on local conditions and for many of these regions, communication and travel were difficult.<ref name="enchis"/> Most Europeans and their descendants tended to concentrate in cities such as [[San Cristóbal de las Casas|Ciudad Real]], [[Comitán]], [[Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas|Chiapa]] and [[Tuxtla Gutiérrez|Tuxtla]]. Intermixing of the races was prohibited by colonial law but by the end of the 17th century there was a significant [[mestizo]] population. Added to this was a population of [[Afro-Mexican|African slaves brought in by the Spanish]] in the middle of the 16th century due to the loss of native workforce.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="rincones3031">Jiménez González, pp. 30–31.</ref>

Initially, "Chiapas" referred to the first two cities established by the Spanish in what is now the center of the state and the area surrounding them. Two other regions were also established, the [[Soconusco]] and Tuxtla, all under the [[Captaincy General of Guatemala|regional colonial government of Guatemala]]. Chiapas, Soconusco and Tuxla regions were united to the first time as an ''[[intendencia]]'' during the [[Bourbon Reforms]] in 1790 as an administrative region under the name of Chiapas. However, within this intendencia, the division between Chiapas and Soconusco regions would remain strong and have consequences at the end of the colonial period.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="rincones35" />

===Era of Independence===
From the colonial period Chiapas was relatively isolated from the colonial authorities in Mexico City and regional authorities in Guatemala. One reason for this was the rugged terrain. Another was that much of Chiapas was not attractive to the Spanish. It lacked mineral wealth, large areas of arable land, and easy access to markets.<ref name="enchis"/> This isolation spared it from battles related to Independence.<ref name="rincones31">Jiménez González, p. 31.</ref>

[[File:ComitanDecIndependence.jpg|thumb|Comitán's declaration of independence from 1823]]
[[File:StateConstitution1824Tuxtla.jpg|thumb|upright|Copy of the 1825 state constitution]]
[[File:1856MapChiapasTuxtla.jpg|thumb|1856 map of the state]]
Following the end of Spanish rule in [[New Spain]], it was unclear what new political arrangements would emerge. The isolation of Chiapas from centers of power, along with the strong internal divisions in the intendencia caused a political crisis after the royal government collapsed in Mexico City in 1821, ending the [[Mexican War of Independence]].<ref name="enchis"/> During this war, a group of influential Chiapas merchants and ranchers sought the establishment of the Free State of Chiapas. This group became known as the ''La Familia Chiapaneca''. However, this alliance did not last with the lowlands preferring inclusion among the new republics of [[Central America]] and the highlands annexation to Mexico.<ref name="higgens81">Higgens, p. 81.</ref> In 1821, a number of cities in Chiapas, starting in Comitán, declared the state's separation from the Spanish empire. In 1823, Guatemala became part of the [[United Provinces of Central America]], which united to form a federal republic that would last from 1823 to 1839. With the exception of the pro-Mexican Ciudad Real (San Cristóbal) and some others, many Chiapanecan towns and villages favored a Chiapas independent of Mexico and some favored unification with Guatemala.

Elites in highland cities pushed for incorporation into Mexico.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="hisschmal"/> In 1822, then-Emperor [[Agustín de Iturbide]] decreed that Chiapas was part of Mexico. In 1823, the Junta General de Gobierno was held and Chiapas declared independence again.<ref name="enchis"/> In July 1824, the Soconusco District of southwestern Chiapas split off from Chiapas, announcing that it would join the Central American Federation.<ref name="hisschmal"/> In September of the same year, a referendum was held on whether the intendencia would join Central America or Mexico, with many of the elite endorsing union with Mexico. This referendum ended in favor of incorporation with Mexico (allegedly through manipulation of the elite in the highlands), but the [[Soconusco]] region maintained a neutral status until 1842, when Oaxacans under General [[Antonio López de Santa Anna]] occupied the area, and declared it reincorporated into Mexico. Elites of the area would not accept this until 1844.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="higgens81"/><ref name="rincones32">Jiménez González, p. 32.</ref> Guatemala would not recognize Mexico's annexation of the Soconusco region until 1895, even though the border between Chiapas and Guatemala had been agreed upon in 1882.<ref name="hisschmal"/><ref name="rincones32"/> The State of Chiapas was officially declared in 1824, with its first constitution in 1826. Ciudad Real was renamed San Cristóbal de las Casas in 1828.<ref name="rincones35"/>

In the decades after the official end of the war, the provinces of Chiapas and Soconusco unified, with power concentrated in San Cristóbal de las Casas. The state's society evolved into three distinct spheres: indigenous peoples, mestizos from the farms and haciendas and the Spanish colonial cities. Most of the political struggles were between the last two groups especially over who would control the indigenous labor force.<ref name="enchis"/>

===Era of the Liberal Reform===
With the ouster of conservative [[Antonio López de Santa Anna]], Mexican liberals came to power. The [[Reform War]] (1858–1861) fought between Liberals, who favored federalism and sought economic development, decreased power of the Roman Catholic Church, and Mexican army, and Conservatives, who favored centralized autocratic government, retention of elite privileges, did not lead to any military battles in the state. Despite that it strongly affected Chiapas politics.<ref name="enchis"/> In Chiapas, the Liberal-Conservative division had its own twist. Much of the division between the highland and lowland ruling families was for whom the Indians should work for and for how long as the main shortage was of labor.<ref name="higgens84">Higgens, p. 84.</ref> These families split into Liberals in the lowlands, who wanted further reform and Conservatives in the highlands who still wanted to keep some of the traditional colonial and church privileges.<ref name="higgens85">Higgens, p. 85.</ref> For most of the early and mid 19th century, Conservatives held most of the power and were concentrated in the larger cities of San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapa (de Corzo), Tuxtla and Comitán. As Liberals gained the upper hand nationally in the mid-19th century, one Liberal politician Ángel Albino Corzo gained control of the state. Corzo became the primary exponent of Liberal ideas in the southeast of Mexico and defended the Palenque and [[Pichucalco]] areas from annexation by Tabasco. However, Corzo's rule would end in 1875, when he opposed the regime of [[Porfirio Díaz]].<ref name="enchis"/>

Liberal land reforms would have negative effects on the state's indigenous population unlike in other areas of the country. Liberal governments expropriated lands that were previously held by the [[Spanish Crown]] and [[Catholic Church]] in order to sell them into private hands. This was not only motivated by ideology, but also due to the need to raise money. However, many of these lands had been in a kind of "trust" with the local indigenous populations, who worked them. Liberal reforms took away this arrangement and many of these lands fell into the hands of large landholders who when made the local Indian population work for three to five days a week just for the right to continue to cultivate the lands. This requirement caused many to leave and look for employment elsewhere. Most became "free" workers on other farms, but they were often paid only with food and basic necessities from the farm shop. If this was not enough, these workers became indebted to these same shops and then unable to leave.<ref name="higgens8283">Higgens, pp. 82–83.</ref>

===Porfiriato, 1876–1911===
The [[Porfirio Díaz]] era at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th was initially thwarted by regional bosses called [[cacique]]s, bolstered by a wave of Spanish and mestizo farmers who migrated to the state and added to the elite group of wealthy landowning families.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="hisschmal"/> There was some technological progress such as a highway from San Cristóbal to the Oaxaca border and the first telephone line in the 1880s, but Porfirian era economic reforms would not begin until 1891 with Governor [[Emilio Rabasa]].<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="rincones32"/> This governor took on the local and regional caciques and centralized power into the state capital, which he moved from San Cristóbal de las Casas to Tuxtla in 1892.<ref name="rincones32"/><ref name="higgens98">Higgens, p. 98.</ref> He modernized public administration, transportation and promoted education.<ref name="enchis"/> Rabasa also introduced the [[telegraph]], limited public schooling, sanitation and road construction, including a route from San Cristóbal to Tuxtla then Oaxaca, which signaled the beginning of favoritism of development in the central valley over the highlands.<ref name="higgens99">Higgens, p. 99.</ref> He also changed state policies to favor foreign investment, favored large land mass consolidation for the production of cash crops such as henequen, rubber, guayule, cochineal and coffee.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="higgens96">Higgens, p. 96.</ref> Agricultural production boomed, especially coffee, which induced the construction of port facilities in [[Tonalá, Chiapas|Tonalá]]. The economic expansion and investment in roads also increased access to tropical commodities such as hardwoods, rubber and [[chicle]].<ref name="higgens99"/>

These still required cheap and steady labor to be provided by the indigenous population.<ref name="higgens99"/> By the end of the 19th century, the four main indigenous groups, Tzeltals, Tzotzils, Tojolabals and Ch’ols were living in "reducciones" or reservations, isolated from one another.<ref name="mhidalgo105"/> Conditions on the farms of the Porfirian era was serfdom, as bad if not worse than for other indigenous and mestizo populations leading to the [[Mexican Revolution]]. While this coming event would affect the state, Chiapas did not follow the uprisings in other areas that would end the Porfirian era.<ref name="rincones3233">Jiménez González, pp. 32–33.</ref>

===Early 20th century to 1960===

[[File:Palacio de Gobierno de Chiapas en Tuxtla Gutiérrez.JPG|thumb|The Palace of Government of Chiapas (Governor's Office) at Tuxtla Gutiérrez]]
[[File:AtriumCongresoTuxla.JPG|thumb|Palacio Legislativo (Legislative Palace) at [[Tuxtla Gutiérrez]].]]
[[File:SugarCaneMillTapachula.jpg|thumb|upright|Sugar cane mill from Tapachula on display at the Regional Museum in Chiapas]]
In the early 20th century and into the [[Mexican Revolution]], the production of coffee was particularly important but labor-intensive. This would lead to a practice called ''enganche'' (hook), where recruiters would lure workers with advanced pay and other incentives such as alcohol and then trap them with debts for travel and other items to be worked off. This practice would lead to a kind of indentured servitude and uprisings in areas of the state, although they never led to large rebel armies as in other parts of Mexico.<ref name="martineztorres"/>

A small war broke out between [[Tuxtla Gutiérrez]] and San Cristobal in 1911. San Cristóbal, allied with [[San Juan Chamula]], tried to regain the state's capital but the effort failed. After three years of peace, the "First Chief" of the revolutionary Constitutionalist forces, [[Venustiano Carranza]], entered in 1914 taking over the government, with the aim of imposing the ''Ley de Obreros'' (Workers' Law) to address injustices against the state's mostly indigenous workers. Conservatives responded violently months later when they were certain the Carranza forces would take their lands. This was mostly by way of guerrilla actions headed by farm owners who called themselves the ''Mapaches''. This action continued for six years, until President Carranza was assassinated in 1920 and revolutionary general [[Álvaro Obregón]] became president of Mexico. This allowed the Mapaches to gain political power in the state and effectively stop many of the social reforms occurring in other parts of Mexico.

The Mapaches continued to fight against socialists and communists in Mexico from 1920 to 1936, to maintain their control over the state.<ref name="rincones35"/> The last of the Mapache resistance was overcome in the early 1930s by Governor Victorico Grajales, who pursued President [[Lázaro Cárdenas]]' social and economic policies including persecution of the Catholic Church. These policies would have some success in redistributing lands and organizing indigenous workers but the state would remain relatively isolated for the rest of the 20th&nbsp;century.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="rincones35"/> The territory was reorganized into municipalities in 1916. The current state constitution was written in 1921.<ref name="enchis"/>

There was political stability from the 1940s to the early 1970s; however, regionalism regained with people thinking of themselves as from their local city or municipality over the state. This regionalism impeded the economy as local authorities restrained outside goods. For this reason, construction of highways and communications were pushed to help with economic development. Most of the work was done around Tuxtla Gutiérrez and Tapachula. This included the Sureste railroad connecting northern municipalities such as Pichucalco, Salto de Agua, Palenque, [[Catazajá]] and [[La Libertad, Chiapas|La Libertad]]. The Cristobal Colon highway linked Tuxtla to the Guatemalan border. Other highways included El Escopetazo to Pichucalco, a highway between San Cristóbal and Palenque with branches to Cuxtepeques and La&nbsp;Frailesca. This helped to integrate the state's economy, but it also permitted the political rise of communal land owners called ejidatarios.<ref name="enchis"/>
[[File:Lacanja burn crop.JPG|thumb|Area of the Lacandon Jungle burned to plant crops]]

===Mid-20th century to 1990===

In the mid-20th century, the state experienced a significant rise in population, which outstripped local resources, especially land in the highland areas.<ref name="sspeed">{{cite book |editor1-first=Shannon |editor1-last=Speed |editor2-last=Hernandez Castillo |editor2-first=Aida |editor3-last=Stephen |editor3-first=Lynne |title=Dissident Women: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas |url= https://archive.org/details/dissidentwomenge0000unse |url-access=limited |year=2006 |publisher=University of Texas Press }}</ref> Since the 1930s, many indigenous and mestizos have migrated from the highland areas into the [[Lacandon Jungle]] with the populations of Altamirano, Las Margaritas, Ocosingo and Palenque rising from less than 11,000 in 1920 to over 376,000 in 2000. These migrants came to the jungle area to clear forest and grow crops and raise livestock, especially cattle.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="mhidalgo106"/> Economic development in general raised the output of the state, especially in agriculture, but it had the effect of deforesting many areas, especially the Lacandon. Added to this was there were still serf like conditions for many workers and insufficient educational infrastructure. Population continued to increase faster than the economy could absorb.<ref name="enchis"/> There were some attempts to resettle peasant farmers onto non cultivated lands, but they were met with resistance. President [[Gustavo Díaz Ordaz]] awarded a land grant to the town of Venustiano Carranza in 1967, but that land was already being used by cattle-ranchers who refused to leave. The peasants tried to take over the land anyway, but when violence broke out, they were forcibly removed.<ref name="Hamnett264">Hamnett, p. 264.</ref> In Chiapas poor farmland and severe poverty afflict the Mayan Indians which led to unsuccessful non violent protests and eventually armed struggle started by the [[Zapatista Army of National Liberation]] in January 1994.<ref>{{cite book |page=75 |year=1997 |access-date=May 17, 2014 |publisher=Educators Progress Service. |others=Educators Progress Service |title=Educators Guide to Free Guidance Materials |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=a5MrAQAAMAAJ&q=mayan+girls+chinese |archive-date=December 14, 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211214000149/https://books.google.com/books?id=a5MrAQAAMAAJ&q=mayan+girls+chinese |url-status=live }}</ref>

These events began to lead to political crises in the 1970s, with more frequent land invasions and takeovers of municipal halls.<ref name="enchis"/><ref name="Hamnett264"/> This was the beginning of a process that would lead to the emergence of the [[EZLN|Zapatista movement]] in the 1990s. Another important factor to this movement would be the role of the Catholic Church from the 1960s to the 1980s. In 1960, [[Samuel Ruiz]] became the bishop of the Diocese of Chiapas, centered in San Cristóbal. He supported and worked with [[Marist Brothers|Marist priests and nuns]] following an ideology called [[liberation theology]]. In 1974, he organized a statewide "Indian Congress" with representatives from the Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal and Ch'ol peoples from 327 communities as well as Marists and the [[Maoist People's Union]]. This congress was the first of its kind with the goal of uniting the indigenous peoples politically. These efforts were also supported by leftist organizations from outside Mexico, especially to form unions of [[ejido]] organizations. These unions would later form the base of the [[EZLN]] organization.<ref name="sspeed"/> One reason for the Church's efforts to reach out to the indigenous population was that starting in the 1970s, a shift began from traditional Catholic affiliation to Protestant, Evangelical and other Christian sects.<ref name="mhidalgo108"/>

The 1980s saw a large wave of refugees coming into the state from [[Central America]] as a number of these countries, especially [[Guatemala]], were in the midst of violent political turmoil. The Chiapas/Guatemala border had been relatively porous with people traveling back and forth easily in the 19th and 20th&nbsp;centuries, much like the Mexico/U.S. border around the same time. This is in spite of tensions caused by Mexico's annexation of the [[Soconusco]] region in the 19th&nbsp;century. The border between Mexico and Guatemala had been traditionally poorly guarded, due to diplomatic considerations, lack of resources and pressure from landowners who need cheap labor sources.<ref name="mgarcia46">García, p. 46.</ref> The arrival of thousands of refugees from Central America stressed Mexico's relationship with Guatemala, at one point coming close to war as well as a politically destabilized Chiapas. Although Mexico is not a signatory to the UN [[Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees]], international pressure forced the government to grant official protection to at least some of the refugees. Camps were established in Chiapas and other southern states, and mostly housed [[Mayan peoples]]. However, most Central American refugees from that time never received any official status, estimated by church and charity groups at about half a million from [[El Salvador]] alone.<ref name="mgarcia9">García, p. 9.</ref> The Mexican government resisted direct international intervention in the camps, but eventually relented somewhat because of finances.<ref name="mgarcia50">García, p. 50.</ref> By 1990, it was estimated that there were over 200,000 Guatemalans and half a million from El Salvador, almost all peasant farmers and most under age twenty.<ref name="mgarcia45">García, p. 45.</ref>

In the 1980s, the politization of the indigenous and rural populations of the state that began in the 1960s and 1970s continued. In 1980, several [[ejido]] (communal land organizations) joined to form the Union of Ejidal Unions and United Peasants of Chiapas, generally called the Union of Unions, or UU. By 1988, this organization joined with other to form the ARIC-Union of Unions (ARIC-UU) and took over much of the Lacandon Jungle portion of the state.<ref name="sspeed" /> Most of the members of these organization were from Protestant and Evangelical sects as well as "Word of God" Catholics affiliated with the political movements of the Diocese of Chiapas. What they held in common was indigenous identity vis-à-vis the non-indigenous, using the old 19th century "caste war" word "Ladino" for them.<ref name="higgens81" /><ref name="sspeed" /><ref name="mhidalgo108" />

===Economic liberalization and the EZLN===
[[File:Zapatistas Territory sign in Chiapas, Mexico.jpg|thumb|Zapatistas Territory sign in Chiapas, Mexico]]
[[File:Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) graffiti in Chiapas, Mexico.jpg|thumb|Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) graffiti in Chiapas, Mexico]]
[[File:An EZLN mural in Chiapas, Mexico.jpg|thumb|An EZLN mural in Chiapas, Mexico depicting a story about Compañero José written in Spanish and Mayan]]
The adoption of [[Economic liberalization|liberal economic reforms]] by the Mexican federal government clashed with the leftist political ideals of these groups, notably as the reforms were believed to have begun to have negative economic effects on poor farmers, especially small-scale indigenous coffee-growers. Opposition would coalesce into the [[EZLN|Zapatista movement]] in the 1990s.<ref name="sspeed"/> Although the Zapatista movement couched its demands and cast its role in response to contemporary issues, especially in its opposition to neoliberalism, it operates in the tradition of a long line of peasant and indigenous uprisings that have occurred in the state since the colonial era. This is reflected in its indigenous vs. [[Mestizo]] character.<ref name="higgens81"/><ref name="Hamnett296">Hamnett, p. 296.</ref> However, the movement was an economic one as well. Although the area has extensive resources, much of the local population of the state, especially in rural areas, did not benefit from this bounty. In the 1990s, two thirds of the state's residents did not have sewage service, only a third had electricity and half did not have potable water. Over half of the schools offered education only to the third grade and most pupils dropped out by the end of first grade.<ref name="mgarcia54">García, p. 54.</ref> Grievances, strongest in the San Cristóbal and [[Lacandon Jungle]] areas, were taken up by a small leftist guerrilla band led by a man called only "[[Subcomandante Marcos]]."<ref name="Hamnett297">Hamnett, p. 297.</ref>

This small band, called the [[EZLN|Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN)]], came to the world's attention when on January 1, 1994 (the day the [[NAFTA]] treaty went into effect) EZLN forces occupied and took over the towns of [[San Cristobal de las Casas]], [[Las Margaritas, Chiapas|Las Margaritas]], [[Altamirano, Chiapas|Altamirano]], [[Ocosingo]] and three others. They read their proclamation of revolt to the world and then laid siege to a nearby military base, capturing weapons and releasing many prisoners from the jails.<ref name="hisschmal"/> This action followed previous protests in the state in opposition to neoliberal economic policies.<ref name="kovic"/> Although it has been estimated{{by whom|date=November 2016}} as having no more than 300 armed guerrilla members, the EZLN paralyzed the Mexican government, which balked at the political risks of direct confrontation.<ref name="Hamnett296" />

The Bishop of Chiapas, [[Samuel Ruiz]], and the Diocese of Chiapas reacted by offering to mediate between the rebels and authorities. However, because of this diocese's activism since the 1960s, authorities{{which|date=November 2016}} accused the clergy of being involved with the rebels.<ref name="mhidalgo112">Hidalgo, p. 112.</ref> There was some ambiguity about the relationship between Ruiz and Marcos and it was a constant feature of news coverage, with many in official circles using such to discredit Ruiz. Eventually, the activities of the Zapatistas began to worry the Roman Catholic Church in general and to upstage the diocese's attempts to re establish itself among Chiapan indigenous communities against Protestant evangelization. This would lead to a breach between the Church and the Zapatistas.<ref name="Hamnett296298">Hamnett, pp. 296–298.</ref>

The Zapatista story remained in headlines for a number{{quantify|date=November 2016}} of years. One reason for this was [[Acteal massacre|the December 1997 massacre]] of forty-five unarmed Tzotzil peasants, mostly women and children, by a government-backed paramilitary in the Zapatista-controlled village of [[Acteal]] in the [[Chenhaló]] municipality just north of San Cristóbal. This allowed many media outlets in Mexico to step up their criticisms of the government.

The Zapatista movement has had some successes. The agricultural sector of the economy now favors ''[[ejido]]s'' and other commonly-owned land.<ref name="enchis"/> There have been some other gains economically as well. In the last decades of the 20th century, Chiapas's traditional agricultural economy has diversified somewhat with the construction of more roads and better infrastructure by the federal and state governments. Tourism has become important in some areas of the state, especially in San Cristóbal de las Casas and Palenque.<ref name="rincones34">Jiménez González, p. 34.</ref> Its economy is important to Mexico as a whole as well, producing coffee, corn, cacao, tobacco, sugar, fruit, vegetables and honey for export. It is also a key state for the nation's petrochemical and hydroelectric industries. A significant percentage of PEMEX's drilling and refining takes place in Chiapas and Tabasco, and Chiapas produces fifty-five percent of Mexico's hydroelectric energy.<ref name="mgarcia54"/>

However, Chiapas remains one of the poorest states in Mexico. Ninety-four of its 111 municipalities have a large percentage of the population living in poverty. In areas such as Ocosingo, Altamirano and Las Margaritas, the towns where the Zapatistas first came into prominence in 1994, 48% of the adults were illiterate.<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/31885135 |title=Mexico : waiting for justice in Chiapas |date=1994 |publisher=Physicians for Human Rights |others=Physicians for Human Rights, Human Rights Watch/Americas |isbn=1-879707-17-9 |location=Boston |oclc=31885135 |access-date=2021-03-24 |archive-date=2022-05-31 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220531035729/https://www.worldcat.org/title/mexico-waiting-for-justice-in-chiapas/oclc/31885135 |url-status=live }}</ref> Chiapas is still considered{{by whom|date=November 2016}} isolated and distant from the rest of Mexico, both culturally and geographically. It has significantly underdeveloped infrastructure compared to the rest of the country, and its significant indigenous population with isolationist tendencies keep the state distinct culturally.<ref name="rincones34"/> Cultural stratification, neglect and lack of investment by the Mexican federal government has exacerbated this problem.{{citation needed|date=November 2016}}

==== Dissolution of the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities ====
In early November 2023, a treaty was signed by rebel [[Subcomandante Moises]] and EZLN that announced the dissolution of [[Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities|the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities]] due to the cartel violence generated by Sinaloa Cartel and Jalisco New Generation Cartel and violent border clashes in [[Guatemala]] due to the increasing violence growing on the border.<ref>{{Cite news |newspaper=La Jornada |last=Henríquez |first= Elio |date=2023-11-05 |title=Anuncia EZLN desaparición de sus municipios autónomos |trans-title=EZLN announces disappearance of its autonomous municipalities |url=https://www.jornada.com.mx/noticia/2023/11/05/estados/anuncia-el-ezln-desaparicion-de-sus-municipios-autonomos-1703 |access-date=2023-11-09 |language=es}}</ref><ref name="Zapatista">{{Cite web |date=2023-11-06 |title=Mexico's Zapatista rebel movement says it is dissolving its 'autonomous municipalities' |url=https://apnews.com/article/mexico-indigenous-zapatista-rebels-violence-04006895dc4bd430b4b957d459551a12 |access-date=2023-11-09 |website=AP News |language=en}}</ref> ''Caracoles'' will remain open to locals but remain closed to outsiders, and the previous MAREZ system will be reorganized into a new autonomous system.<ref name="Zapatista" />