Editing Battle of Navarino (section)

==Diplomacy of the Great Powers==
From the inception of the Greek revolt until 1826, Anglo-Austrian diplomatic efforts were aimed at ensuring the [[Non-interventionism|non-intervention]] of the other great powers in the conflict.<ref>Dakin (1973) 64, 144, 147</ref> Their objective was to stall Russian military intervention in support of the Greeks, in order to give the Ottomans time to defeat the rebellion.<ref>Dakin (1973) 142, 154</ref> However, the Ottomans proved unable to suppress the revolt during the long period of non-intervention secured by Anglo-Austrian diplomacy. By the time the Ottomans were making serious progress, the situation evolved in ways that would make non-interventionism untenable. In December 1825, the diplomatic landscape changed with the death of [[Alexander I of Russia|Tsar Alexander]] and the succession of his younger brother [[Nicholas I of Russia|Nicholas I]] to the Russian throne. Nicholas was a more decisive and risk-taking character than his brother, as well as being far more [[Russian nationalism|nationalistic]]. The British government's response to the evolving situation was to move towards joint intervention instead to limit Russian [[expansionism]]. Britain, France, and Russia signed the [[Treaty of London, 1827|Treaty of London]] on 6 July 1827. The treaty called for an immediate [[armistice]] between the belligerents, in effect demanding a cessation of Ottoman military operations in Greece just when the Ottomans had victory in their grasp. It also offered Allied mediation in the negotiations on a final settlement that were to follow the armistice.<ref>''Treaty of London (1827)'' Article I</ref> The treaty called on the Ottomans to grant Greece a degree of autonomy, but envisaged it ultimately remaining under Ottoman suzerainty.<ref>''Treaty of London (1827)'' Article II</ref>

A secret clause in the agreement provided that if the Ottomans failed to accept the armistice within a month, each signatory Power would despatch a [[consul (representative)|consul]] to [[Nafplion]], the capital of the Hellenic Republic, thereby granting [[de facto recognition]] to the rebel government, something no Power had done hitherto.<ref>''Treaty of London (1827)'' Additional Clause (I)</ref> The same clause authorized the signatories in concert to instruct their naval commanders in the Mediterranean to "take all measures that circumstances may suggest" (i.e. including military action) to enforce the Allied demands, if the Ottomans failed to comply within the specified time limit. However, the clause added that Allied commanders should not take sides in the conflict.<ref>''Treaty of London (1827)'' Additional Clause (II)</ref> On 20 August 1827, the British naval [[Mediterranean Fleet|commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean]], Vice-Admiral [[Blue squadron|of the Blue]] Sir [[Edward Codrington]], a veteran of 44 years at sea and a popular hero for his role in the [[Battle of Trafalgar]], received his government's instructions regarding enforcement of the treaty. Codrington could not have been a less suitable person for a task which required great tact. An impetuous fighting sailor, he entirely lacked diplomatic finesse, a quality he despised and derisively ascribed to his French counterpart, [[Henri de Rigny]]. He was also a sympathiser with the Greek cause, having subscribed to the London Philhellenic Committee.<ref>Woodhouse (1965) 32–34</ref>