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==Work== ===History=== The poems were collected into critical editions sometime in the late 3rd century BC by the Alexandrian scholar, [[Aristophanes of Byzantium]], who probably restored them to their appropriate metres after finding them written in prose form.<ref>Maehler 2004, p. 27</ref> They were arranged in nine 'books', exemplifying the following genres<ref name=c415/> (Bacchylides in fact composed in a greater variety of genres than any of the other lyric poets who comprise the canonic nine, with the exception of Pindar, who composed in ten):<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=43}}</ref> [[File:Theseus Athena Amphitrite Louvre G104.jpg|thumb|right|"The relation of Bacchylides to Greek art is a subject that no student of his poetry can ignore" – Richard Claverhouse Jebb.<ref name="Jebb">{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=73}}</ref><br />[[Theseus]], visiting the underwater palace of his father, [[Poseidon]], meets with [[Amphitrite]], as witnessed by the goddess [[Athena]] and by some of the neighbourhood dolphins – here presented by the artist [[Euphronios]]. The underwater encounter is also the subject of a Bacchylides dithyramb.]] *''hymnoi'' – ''[[hymn|"hymns"]]'' *''paianes'' – ''"[[Paean|paeans]]"'' *''dithyramboi'' – ''"[[Dithyramb|dithyrambs]]"'' *[[Prosodion|prosodia]] – ''"processionals"'' *partheneia – ''"songs for maidens"'' *[[hyporchema]]ta – ''"songs for light dances"'' *[[Encomium|enkomia]] – ''"songs of praise"'' *[[Epinikion|epinikia]] – ''"victory odes"'' *erotica – ''"songs of love"'' The Alexandrian grammarian [[Didymus Chalcenterus|Didymus]] (circa 30 BC) wrote commentaries on the work of Bacchylides and the poems appear, from the finding of papyri fragments, to have been popular reading in the first three centuries AD.<ref name="Campbell">Campbell (1982), p. 416</ref> Their popularity seems to have continued into the 4th century also: [[Ammianus Marcellinus]] (xxv. 4) observed that the emperor [[Julian the Apostate|Julian]] enjoyed reading Bacchylides, and the largest collection of quotations that survived up until the modern era was assembled by [[Stobaeus]] (early 5th century).<ref>Kenyon (1897): Introduction: xiv.</ref> All that remained of Bacchylides's poetry by 1896, however, were sixty-nine fragments, totalling 107 lines.<ref name="sl3">Slavitt (1998), p. 3</ref> These few remains of his writings were collected by [[Richard François Philippe Brunck|Brunck]], Bergk,{{sfn|Bergk|1853|loc={{in lang|la}} & {{in lang|el}}}} Bland, Hartung, and [[Christian Friedrich Neue|Neue]].{{sfn|Neue|1823|loc={{in lang|la}} & {{in lang|el}}}}{{sfn|Baynes|1878}} The oldest sources on Bacchylides and his work are [[scholia]] on [[Homer]], [[Hesiod]], Pindar, [[Aristophanes]], [[Apollonius Rhodius]] and [[Callimachus]]. Other fragments and 'notices' are sprinkled through the surviving works of ancient authors, which they used to illustrate various points they were making, as for example:<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=74–76}}</ref> [[image:P.Oxy. XI 1361 fr. 4.jpg|thumb|Bacchylides, ''Encomia'' fr. 5, preserved by a 1st-century BC or AD papyrus form [[Oxyrhynchus]] ([[Oxyrhynchus papyri|P.Oxy.]] 1361 fr. 4).]] *[[Dionysius of Halicarnassus]] – frag. 11 *[[Strabo]] – notice 57 *[[Plutarch]] – frag. 29 *[[Apollonius Dyscolus]] – frag. 31 *[[Zenobius]] – frag.s 5, 24 *[[Hephaestion (grammarian)|Hephaestion]] – frag.s 12, 13, 15 *[[Athenaeus]] – frag.s 13, 16, 17, 18, 22 *[[Clement of Alexandria]] – frag.s 19, 20, 21, 32 *[[Stobaeus]] – frag.s 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 28 *[[Priscian]] – frag. 27 *Johannes Siceliota – frag. 26 *[[Etymologicum Magnum]] – frag.s 25, 30 *[[Palatine Anthology]] – frag.s 33, 34. Fortunately for Bacchylidean scholarship, a papyrus came to light in Egypt at the end of the 19th century with a text of Greek uncials, which a local claimed to have found in a ransacked tomb, between the feet of a mummy. It was snapped up for a "preposterous" price by the Egyptologist [[Wallis Budge]], of the British Museum. Budge's plan to return to the museum with the papyrus was unacceptable to the British Consul and to the Egyptian Service of Antiquities so he resorted to desperate measures. In an elaborate plan involving a crate of oranges, switched trains and covert embarkations including a midnight rendezvous with a P&O steamship, he eventually sailed from the Suez with the papyrus dismembered and disguised as a packet of photographs.<ref name=sl3/><ref>Burnett 1985, pp. 1–2</ref> He presented his find in 1896 to [[Frederic Kenyon]] in the British Museum's Department of Manuscripts. Kenyon reassembled 1382 lines, of which 1070 were perfect or easily restored and, the following year, he published an edition of twenty poems, six of them nearly complete.<ref name=sl3/> Some more pieces of the Egyptian fragments were fitted together by [[Friedrich Blass]] in Germany and then followed the authoritative edition of Bacchylides' poetry by [[Richard Claverhouse Jebb]]{{refn|group=n|Jebb was also responsible for the expansion of Bacchylides's article for the [[1911 Encyclopædia Britannica|1911 ''Encyclopædia Britannica'']].{{sfn|Jebb|1911}}}} – a combination of scholars that inspired one academic to comment: "we almost had the Renaissance back again".<ref>{{cite journal|author=Louis Bevier|title=Bacchylides XVI (XVII)|journal=The Classical Weekly|volume= 17|issue=13 |year= 1924| pages =99–101 |jstor=30107807|doi=10.2307/30107807}}</ref> As noted by Frederic Kenyon,<ref name="Google preview"/> the papyrus was originally a roll probably about seventeen feet long and about ten inches high, written in the Ptolemaic period, with some Roman characteristics that indicate a transition between styles, somewhere around 50 BC. It reached England in about two hundred torn fragments, the largest about twenty inches in length and containing four and a half columns of writing, the smallest being scraps with barely enough space for one or two letters. The beginning and end sections were missing and the damage done to the roll was not entirely the result of its recent discovery. Kenyon gradually pieced the fragments together, making three independent sections: the first, nine feet long with twenty-two columns of writing; the next section, a little over two feet long with six columns; the third, three and a half feet long with ten columns – a total length of almost fifteen feet and thirty-nine columns, in which form the papyrus remains in the [[British Library]].<ref>[http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Papyrus_733 London, BL, Papyrus 733]</ref> [[Friedrich Blass]] later pieced together some of the still detached fragments and concluded that two of the poems on the restored roll (Odes vi. and vii., as numbered by Kenyon in the ''[[editio princeps]]'') must be parts of a single ode (for Lachon of Keos) – hence even today the poems can be found numbered differently, with Jebb for example one of those following Blass's lead and numbering the poems differently from Kenyon from poem 8 onwards (Kenyon 9 = Jebb 8 and so on).<ref name="Campbell" /> Bacchylides had become, almost overnight, among the best represented poets of the canonic nine, with about half as many extant verses as Pindar, adding about a hundred new words to Greek lexicons.<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=68–69}}</ref> Ironically, his newly discovered poems sparked a renewed interest in Pindar's work,<ref>{{cite journal|title=Some Aspects of Pindar's Style|author= Lawrence Henry Baker|journal=The Sewanee Review |volume= 31|issue=1|year= 1923|jstor=27533621|pages=100–110}}</ref> with whom he was compared so unfavourably that "the students of Pindaric poetry almost succeeded in burying Bacchylides all over again."<ref name=bu3/> ===Style=== {{cquote|Together with true glories, men will praise also the charm of the melodious Cean nightingale. – Bacchylides, Ode 3<ref name=c423>Campbell 1982, p. 423</ref>}} Much of Bacchylides's poetry was commissioned by proud and ambitious aristocrats, a dominant force in Greek political and cultural life in the 6th and early part of the 5th centuries, yet such patrons were gradually losing influence in an increasingly democratic Greek world.<ref>Maehler 2004, p. 4</ref> The kind of lofty and stately poetry that celebrated the achievements of these [[Archaic Greece|archaic]] aristocrats was within the reach of 'The Cean nightingale',<ref name=sl6>Slavitt 1998, p. 6</ref><ref name=j78>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=78}}</ref> yet he seems to have been more at home in verses of a humbler and lighter strain, even venturing on folksiness and humour.<ref name=sl6/><ref name=j78/> {{Quotation|The distinctive merits of Bacchylides, his transparent clearness, his gift of narrative, his felicity in detail, the easy flow of his elegant verse, rather fitted him to become a favourite with readers... he was a poet who gave pleasure without demanding effort, a poet with whom the reader could at once feel at home. – Richard Claverhouse Jebb<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=74}}</ref>}} Lyric poetry was still a vigorous art-form and its genres were already fully developed when Bacchylides started out on his career. From the time of the [[Peloponnesian War]], around the end of his life, the art-form was in decline, as exemplified by the inferior dithyrambs of [[Philoxenos of Cythera]].<ref name=j27/> Meanwhile, tragedy, as developed by Athenian dramatists of the calibre of [[Aeschylus]] and [[Sophocles]], had begun to emerge as the leading poetic genre, borrowing the literary dialect, the metres and poetic devices of lyric poetry in general and the dithyramb in particular (Aristotle ''Poetics'' IV 1449a). The debt however was mutual and Bacchylides borrowed from tragedy for some of his effects – thus Ode 16, with its myth of [[Deianeira]], seems to assume audience knowledge of Sophocles's play, ''Women of Trachis'', and Ode 18 echoes three plays – Aeschylus's ''Persians'' and ''Suppliants'' and Sophocles's ''Oedipus Rex''.<ref>Maehler 2004, p. 18</ref> His vocabulary shows the influence of Aeschylus with several words being common to both poets and found nowhere else.<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=67–68}}</ref> The use of gripping and exciting narrative and the immediacy gained from the frequent use of direct speech are thought to be among Bacchylides's best qualities,<ref name=c415/> influencing later poets such as [[Horace]] (who imitated him, according to [[Pomponius Porphyrion]], in ''Carmen'' I. 15, where [[Nereus]] predicts the destruction of [[Troy]]).<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=77}}</ref> These narrative qualities were modelled largely on the work of [[Stesichorus]], whose lyrical treatment of heroic myth influenced, for instance, Ode 5.<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=32–33}}</ref> Whereas however Stesichorus developed graphic images in his poetry that subsequently became established in vase painting, Bacchylides merely employed images already current in his own day.<ref name="Jebb" /> [[File:Theseus Prokroustes Louvre G104.jpg|thumb|right|Theseus triumphing over the notorious thug [[Procrustes]] – here depicted by the artist [[Euphronios]]. Bacchylides celebrated such victories by Theseus in one of his dithyrambs, sung in the form of a dialogue between chorus and chorus-leader (poem 18).]] Simonides, the uncle of Bacchylides, was another strong influence on his poetry,<ref>[[Gregory Hutchinson (academic)|G. O. Hutchinson]], ''Greek Lyric Poetry: A Commentary on Selected Larger Pieces'', Oxford University Press (2001), p. 324 {{ISBN|0-19-926582-8}}</ref> as for example in his metrical range, mostly dactylo-epitrite in form, with some Aeolic rhythms and a few iambics. The surviving poems in fact are not metrically difficult, with the exception of two odes (Odes XV and XVI, Jebb).<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=92}}</ref> He shared Simonides's approach to vocabulary, employing a very mild form of the traditional, literary Doric dialect, with some Aeolic words and some traditional epithets borrowed from epic. Like Simonides, he followed the lyric tradition of coining compound adjectives – a tradition in which the poet was expected to be both innovative and tasteful – but the results are thought by some modern scholars to be uneven.<ref name=c415/><ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=63}}</ref> Many of his epithets however serve a thematic and not just a decorative function, as for instance in Ode 3, where the "bronze-walled court" and "well-built halls" of [[Croesus]] (Ode 3.30–31 and 3.46) contrast architecturally with the "wooden house" of his funeral pyre (Ode 3.49), in an effect that aims at pathos and which underscores the moral of the ode.<ref>Segal 1985, p. 238</ref> Bacchylides is renowned for his use of picturesque detail, giving life and colour to descriptions with small but skilful touches, often demonstrating a keen sense of beauty or splendour in external nature: a radiance, "as of fire," streams from the forms of the [[Nereids]] (XVI. 103 if. Jebb); an athlete shines out among his fellows like "the bright moon of the mid-month night" among the stars (VIII. 27 if.); the sudden gleam of hope which comes to the [[Trojan War|Trojans]] by the withdrawal of [[Achilles]] is like a ray of sunshine "from beneath the edge of a storm-cloud" (XII – 105 if.); the shades of the departed, as seen by Heracles on the banks of the Cocytus, resemble countless leaves fluttering in the wind on "the gleaming headlands of Ida" (V. 65 if ).{{sfn|Jebb|1911|p=123}} Imagery is employed sparingly but often with impressive and beautiful results,<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=60–61}}</ref> such as in the simile of the eagle in Ode 5 below. ===Ode 5=== Bacchylides has often been compared unflatteringly with Pindar, as for example by the French critic, [[Henri Weil]]: "There is no doubt that he fails of the elevation, and also of the depth, of Pindar. The soaring wing was refused him, and he should never have compared himself, as he does somewhere, to an eagle."<ref>Henri Weil, ''Journal des Savants'' (Jan. 1898), quoted in translation by Burnett 1985, p. 3</ref> The image of the eagle occurs in Ode 5, which was composed for [[Hieron of Syracuse]] in celebration of his Olympic victory with the race-horse Pherenicus in 476 BC. Pindar's ''Olympian Ode 1'' celebrates the same race and the two poems allow for some interesting comparisons. Bacchylides's Ode 5 includes, in addition to a brief reference to the victory itself, a long mythical episode on a related theme, and a gnomic or philosophical reflection – elements that occur also in Pindar's ode and that seem typical of the [[Epinikion|victory ode]] genre.<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=34–38}}</ref> Whereas however Pindar's ode focuses on the myth of [[Pelops]] and [[Tantalus]] and demonstrates a stern moral about the need for moderation in personal conduct (a reflection on Hieron's political excesses),<ref>Pindar, p. 1</ref> Bacchylides's ode focuses on the myths of [[Meleager]] and [[Hercules]], demonstrating the moral that nobody is fortunate or happy in all things (possibly a reflection on Hieron's chronic illness).<ref name=c423/> This difference in moral posturing was typical of the two poets, with Bacchylides adopting a quieter, simpler and less forceful manner than Pindar.<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|p=59}}</ref> [[Frederic G. Kenyon]], who edited the papyrus poems, took an unsympathetic view of Bacchylides's treatment of myth in general: {{Quotation|The myths are introduced mechanically, with little attempt to connect them with the subject of the ode. In some cases they appear to have no special appropriateness but to be introduced merely at the poet's pleasure. There is no originality of structure; the poet's art is shown in craftsmanship rather than in invention. – Frederic G. Kenyon<ref name="Google preview">Frederic G. Kenyon, [https://books.google.com/books?id=xpICzeSHMM8C ''The Poems of Bacchylides; from a Papyrus in the British Museum''], Longmans and Co. (1897), Introduction: ix.</ref>}} Bacchylides however might be better understood as an heir to [[Stesichorus]], being more concerned with story-telling per se, than as a rival of Pindar.<ref>Segal 1985, p. 235</ref> But irrespective of any scruples about his treatment of myth, Bacchylides is thought to demonstrate in Ode 5 some of his finest work and the description of the eagle's flight, near the beginning of the poem, has been called by one modern scholar "the most impressive passage in his extant poetry."<ref>Campbell 1982, p. 424</ref> :::::::::...Quickly ::::cutting the depth of air :::on high with tawny wings ::::the eagle, messenger of Zeus :::who thunders in wide lordship, ::::is bold, relying on his mighty :::strength, while other birds ::::cower, shrill-voiced, in fear. :::The great earth's mountain peaks do not hold him back, ::::nor the tireless sea's :::rough-tossing waves, but in ::::the limitless expanse :::he guides his fine sleek plumage ::::along the West Wind's breezes, ::::manifest to men's sight. :::So now for me too countless paths extend in all directions ::::by which to praise your [i.e. Hieron's] prowess...(Ode 5.16–33)<ref name="Stephen Trzaskoma 2004 pages 64-5">Stephen Trzaskoma, R. Scott Smith, Stephen Brunet, ''Anthology of classical myths: primary sources in translation'', Hackett Publishing Company (2004), pp. 64–5 {{ISBN|0-87220-721-8}}</ref> Bacchylides's image of the poet as an eagle winging across the sea was not original – Pindar had already used it earlier (''Nemean Odes'' 5.20–21). In fact, in the same year that both poets celebrated Pherenicus's Olympic victory, Pindar also composed an ode for [[Theron of Acragas]] (''Olympian'' 2), in which he likens himself to an eagle confronted with chattering ravens – possibly a reference to Bacchylides and his uncle.<ref>Pindar, p. 16</ref> It is possible in that case that Bacchylides's image of himself as an eagle in Ode 5 was a retort to Pindar.<ref>Campbell 1982, p. 426</ref> Moreover, Bacchylides's line "So now for me too countless paths extend in all directions" has a close resemblance to lines in one of Pindar's Isthmian Odes (1.1–2), "A thousand ways ... open on every side widespread before me"<ref>Pindar, p. 246</ref> but, as the date of Pindar's Isthmian Ode is uncertain, it is not clear in this case who was imitating whom.<ref>Campbell 1982, p. 427</ref> According to Kenyon, Pindar's idiosyncratic genius entitles him to the benefit of a doubt in all such cases: "... if there be actual imitation at all, it is fairly safe to conclude that it is on the part of Bacchylides."<ref name="Google preview"/> In fact one modern scholar<ref>Maehler 2004, p. 22</ref> has observed in Bacchylides a general tendency towards imitation, sometimes approaching the level of quotation: in this case, the eagle simile in Ode 5 may be thought to imitate a passage in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter (375–83), and the countless leaves fluttering in the wind on "the gleaming headlands of Ida", mentioned later in the ode, recall a passage in ''[[Iliad]]'' (6.146–9). A tendency to imitate other poets is not peculiar to Bacchylides, however – it was common in ancient poetry,<ref>Segal 1985, p. 236</ref> as for example in a poem by [[Alcaeus of Mytilene|Alcaeus]] (fragment 347), which virtually quotes a passage from [[Hesiod]] (''Works and Days'' 582–8). Pindar's Olympian Ode 1 and Bacchylides's Ode 5 differ also in their description of the race – while Pindar's reference to Pherenicus is slight and general ("...speeding / by Alpheus' bank, / His lovely limbs ungoaded on the course...": ''Olympian'' I.20–21),<ref>Pindar, p. 3</ref> Bacchylides describes the running of the winner more vividly and in rather more detail – a difference that is characteristic of the two poets:<ref>{{harvnb|Jebb|1905|pp=56–57}}</ref>{{refn|group=n|A better example of his descriptive reporting of a victory can be found in fr. 10, honouring a runner who won two events at the Isthmian games: "For when he had come to a halt at the finishing line of the sprint, panting out a hot storm of breath, and again when he had wet with his oil the cloaks of the spectators as he tumbled into the packed crowd after rounding the course with its four turns, the spokesmen of the wise judges twice proclaimed him Isthmian victor..."<ref>{{harvnb|Campbell|1992|p=172}}</ref>}} :::When Pherenicos with his auburn mane ::::ran like the wind :::beside the eddies of broad [[Alfeios|Alpheios]], ::::[[Eos]], with her arms all golden, saw his victory, :::and so too at most holy [[Delphi|Pytho]]. ::::Calling the earth to witness, I declare :::that never yet has any horse outstripped him ::::in competition, sprinkling him with dust :::as he rushed forward to the goal. ::::For like the North Wind's blast, :::keeping the man who steers him safe, ::::he hurtles onward, bringing to Hieron, :::that generous host, victory with its fresh applause.(Ode 5.37–49)<ref name="Stephen Trzaskoma 2004 pages 64-5"/> Ultimately, however, Bacchylides and Pindar share many of the same goals and techniques – the difference is largely one of temperament: {{Quotation|They share a common repertory of motifs, images, conventions, diction; and they affirm and celebrate the heroic values of an ancient aristocracy. Both seek to bridge the gap between the fleeting present in its glorious display of beauty and energy and the eternal world of the gods. Pindar however grasps the contrasts between the extremes of mortality and divinity with greater intensity than Bacchylides and for this reason seems the more philosophical and meditative, more concerned with ultimate questions of life and death, transience and permanence. Bacchylides prefers to observe the gentler play of shadow and sadness over the sensuous surface of his brilliant world. – Charles Segal<ref>Segal 1985, p. 239</ref> }} {{Quotation|You, Pindar, holy mouth of the Muses, and you, talkative Siren, Bacchylides ...-anon. in [[Palatine Anthology]]<ref>''Anth.Pal'' 9.571.4, cited by Campbell 1982, p. 113</ref>}} ===Ode 13=== Ode 13 of the Bacchylides is a Nemean ode performed to honor the athlete Pytheas of [[Aegina]] for winning the pancration event of the [[Nemean games]]. Bacchylides begins his ode with the tale of [[Heracles]] fighting the [[Nemean lion]], employing the battle to explain why pancration tournaments are now held during the Nemean games. The allusion to Heracles’ fight with the lion is also meant to incite why it is that Pytheas fights for the wreaths of the games: to obtain the undying glory that the heroes of old now possess for their deeds. Bacchylides then sings the praises of Pytheas' home, the island Aegina, and how "her fame excites a dancer’s praise."<ref name="ReferenceA">Bacchylides. "Ode 13". Translated by Robert Fagles. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1961</ref> Bacchylides continues this dancer allusion in praise of Aegina, and ends it by listing some famous men who were born on the island, namely [[Peleus]] and [[Telamon]]. Bacchylides then tells of the greatness of these men’s sons, [[Achilles]] and [[Ajax the Great|Ajax]], alluding to a second myth, the tale of Ajax repelling [[Hector]] on the beaches of Troy, keeping the Trojans from burning the Greek ships. Bacchylides relates how Achilles’ inaction spurred the Trojans to false hope, and how their swollen pride led them to be destroyed at the hands of the men they thought they had vanquished. The ode plays upon the fact that those who are listening to Bacchylides have also read the epics of Homer, and understand the whole story behind this scene that would speak poorly of Achilles if people did not know the role he played in the Trojan war. With this tale complete Bacchylides proclaims once again that the actions he has just told will be forever remembered thanks to the muses, leading once again into his praise of Pytheas and his trainer Menander, who shall be remembered for their great victories in the Pan-Hellenic games, even if an envious rival slights them.<ref name="ReferenceA"/><ref>Bacchylides. "Ode 13". Translated by David R. Slavitt. Philadelphia: University of Penn Press, n.d.</ref> ===Ode 15=== The Sons of [[Antenor]], or Helen Demanded Back, is the first of Bacchylides’s dithyrambs in the text restored in 1896. The opening is incomplete, as part of the papyrus was damaged.<ref>“Bacchylides.” The 1911 Classic Encyclopedia. 6 Oct 2006, accessed 12 March 2012.</ref> The dithyramb treats a moment in myth before the Trojan war, when [[Menelaus]], Antenor, and Antenor’s sons go to King [[Priam]] to demand the return of Helen. As is often the case with ancient Greek literature, Bacchylides plays of the audience’s knowledge of Homer without repeating a scene told by Homer. He instead describes a scene which is new to the audience, but which is given context by knowledge of the Iliad and [[Odyssey]]. The story of this embassy was known to Homer, who merely alludes to it at ''Iliad'' 3.205ff., but it was fully related in the cyclic epic poem ''[[Cypria]]'', according to the ''[[Chrestomathy]]'' of Proclus. The style also plays off of Homer. Characters are almost always named with their fathers, i.e. Odysseus, son of Laertes (as reconstructed). They are also given epithets, though these are not the traditional Homeric epithets: godly Antenor, upright Justice, reckless Outrage.{{sfn|Fagles|1961|p={{page needed|date=April 2017}}}}
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