Editing Politics of Spain (section)

==Key political issues==

===The nationality debate===
{{See also|Nationalities and regions of Spain|Political divisions of Spain#Decentralisation model|Nation state|label2=Territorial model of Spain}}
[[File:060218 ERC.jpg|thumb|Demonstration led by [[Republican Left of Catalonia|Republican Left Party of Catalonia]] in favor of using the term "nation" to define Catalonia in its Statute of Autonomy]]
Spanish political developments since the early twentieth century have been marked by the existence of [[peripheral nationalism]]s and the debate of whether Spain can be viewed as a [[plurinationalism|plurinational federation]]. Spain is a diverse country with different and contrasting [[polity|polities]] showing varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical, political and cultural traditions.<ref name=villar>{{cite web|url=http://www.stormingmedia.us/46/4624/A462453.html|last=Villar|first=Fernando P.|title=Nationalism in Spain: Is It a Danger to National Integrity?|publisher=Storming Media, Pentagon Reports|date=June 1998|access-date=3 February 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130927225951/http://www.stormingmedia.us/46/4624/A462453.html|archive-date=27 September 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name=shabad>{{cite journal|title=Language, Nationalism and Political Conflict in Spain|journal = Comparative Politics|volume = 14|issue = 4|pages = 443–477|last1=Shabad|first1=Goldie|last2=Gunther|first2=Richard|publisher=Comparative Politics Vol 14 No. 4|date=July 1982|jstor = 421632|doi = 10.2307/421632}}</ref> Peripheral nationalist movements have been present mainly in the [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]], [[Catalonia]] and [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]], some advocating for a special recognition of their "national identity" within the Spanish nation and others for their right of [[self-determination]] or independence.

The Constituent Assembly in 1978 struck a deliberately ambiguous and imprecise{{sfn|Casanova|Gil Andrés|2014|p=314,315}} balance between the opposing views of [[centralism]], inherited from Franco's regime, and those who viewed Spain as a "nation of nations". In the second article, the constitution recognizes the Spanish nation as the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards, while guaranteeing the right of autonomy of the [[nationalities and regions of Spain|nationalities and regions]] of which it is composed. In practice, and as it began to be used in Spanish jurisprudence, the term "nationalities" makes reference to those regions or autonomous communities with a strong historically constituted sense of identity or a recognized historical cultural identity,<ref name=rae>{{cite web |url=http://buscon.rae.es/draeI/SrvltConsulta?TIPO_BUS=3&LEMA=nacionalidad |title=Nacionalidad |publisher=[[Real Academia Española]] |access-date=28 January 2012}}</ref><ref name=geocurrents>{{cite web|url=http://geocurrents.info/geopolitics/the-nation-nationalities-and-autonomous-regions-in-spain|title=The Nation, Nationalities, and Autonomous Regions in Spain|last=Lewis|first=Martin W|publisher=GeoCurrents. Map-Illustrated Analyses of Current Events and Geographical Issues|date=1 September 2010|access-date=29 January 2012}}</ref> as part of the indivisible Spanish nation. This recognition, and the process of devolution within the [[Political divisions of Spain#Decentralisation model|''State of Autonomies'']] has legitimised the idea of the Spanish State among the "nationalities", and many of its citizens feel content within the current status quo.<ref name=conversi>{{cite web|url=http://easyweb.easynet.co.uk/conversi/smooth.pdf|last=Conversi|first=Daniele|title=The Smooth Transition: Spain's 1978 Constitution and the Nationalities Question|publisher=Carfax Publishing, Inc.|work=National Identities, Vol 4, No. 3|year=2002|access-date=28 January 2008|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080511172945/http://easyweb.easynet.co.uk/conversi/smooth.pdf|archive-date=11 May 2008}}</ref>

However since 1982, the PSOE pursued policies to temper enthusiasm for further devolution and instead sought to harmonise the powers devolved to all autonomous communities. This was interpreted as the re-imposition of centralist control from Madrid by the 'historic nationalities' particularly after a landmark ruling of the Constitutional Court upheld the prerogative of the central government to use [[Organic Law (Spain)|Basic Laws]] to encroach upon devolved jurisdictional powers to promote and protect 'the national interest' of the Spanish state.{{sfn|Anderson|2020|pp=4,5}}

Thus tensions between peripheral nationalism and centralism continue, with some nationalist parties still advocating for a recognition of the other 'nations' of the Spanish Kingdom or for a peaceful process towards self-determination. The [[2014 Catalan self-determination referendum]] resulted in a vote of 80.76% for independence, with a turnout percentage of 37.0%, and it was supported by five political parties.

===Education===
Under the majority governments of the PP in 2000-2004 and 2011–2015, discussions on territorial reform were replaced with 'a renewed form of Spanish nationalism' and 'a centralizing agenda realigning the party's territorial policy with its traditional centralist and nationalist ideology'.{{sfn|Verge|2013|p=330}}

Amongst the [[Organic Law (Spain)|Basic Laws]] passed in this period, which increased central government control over the regions, was the highly controversial 2013 Spanish Educational Law (Organic Law for the Improvement of Educational Quality). This law set certain minimum requirements for the language of instruction used and the curriculum content. It was seen as encroaching upon devolved powers.{{sfn|Anderson|2020|pp=5,6}} This issue remained controversial and in 2022 was subject to a number of court cases.<ref>{{cite news|title=Supreme Court confirms 25% of school instruction must be given in Spanish|date=23 November 2021 |access-date=8 August 2023|url=https://www.catalannews.com/society-science/item/supreme-court-confirms-25-of-school-instruction-must-be-given-in-spanish |agency=[[Catalan News Agency]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Government counters judiciary with decree 'not applying' 25% Spanish quota in schools|date=30 May 2022 |access-date=8 August 2023|url=https://www.catalannews.com/politics/item/government-counters-judiciary-with-decree-not-applying-25-spanish-quota-in-schools |agency=[[Catalan News Agency]]}}</ref>

===Fiscal asymmetry===
{{See also|Basque Economic Agreement}}
The [[Political divisions of Spain#Decentralisation model|model of devolution]] is often termed ''asymmetric ''to express the fact that not all regions have the same powers. This is on the whole seen as advantageous; able to respond to diversity. However one aspect of this asymmetry is a cause of friction (eg in Catalonia), namely that the [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]] and [[Navarra]] can raise their own taxes and negotiate a transfer to Madrid to pay for common services and hence, unlike the other regions, do not contribute to fiscal equalisation across Spain.{{sfn|Keating|2007|p=22}} 

The [[Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 2006]] gave a similar power to Catalonia. However in 2010 the Constitutional Court disallowed the provisions and made it clear that to make the fiscal model in Catalonia like that of Navarra and the Basque Country would require an amendment to the constitution.{{sfn|López Bofill|2014|p=3}}

===Terrorism===
{{Update|Demilitarization of ETA|date=March 2015}}
{{See also|ETA (separatist group)}}
[[File:ETA Pasajes 2003 06 28.jpg|thumb|Graffiti in [[Pasaia]] (2003). "ETA, the people with you" on the left, and Batasuna using several nationalist symbols asking for "Independence!"]] 
The Government of Spain has been involved in a long-running campaign against Basque Fatherland and Liberty ([[ETA (separatist group)|ETA]]), an armed secessionist organization founded in 1959 in opposition to Franco and dedicated to promoting Basque independence through [[violence|violent]] means, though originally violence was not a part of their method. They consider themselves a [[guerrilla warfare|guerrilla]] organization but are considered internationally as a [[terrorist]] organisation. Although the government of the Basque Country does not condone any kind of violence, their different approaches to the separatist movement are a source of tension between the Central and Basque governments.

Initially ETA targeted primarily Spanish security forces, military personnel and Spanish Government officials. As the security forces and prominent politicians improved their own security, ETA increasingly focused its attacks on the tourist seasons (scaring tourists was seen as a way of putting pressure on the government, given the sector's importance to the economy) and local government officials in the Basque Country. The group carried out numerous bombings against Spanish Government facilities and economic targets, including a car bomb assassination attempt on then-opposition leader Aznar in 1995, in which his [[Armored car (VIP)|armored car]] was destroyed but he was unhurt. The Spanish Government attributes over 800 deaths to ETA during its campaign of terrorism.

On 17 May 2005, all the parties in the Congress of Deputies, except the PP, passed the Government's motion giving approval to the beginning of peace talks with ETA, without making [[concession (politics)|political concessions]] and with the requirement that it give up its weapons. PSOE, CiU, ERC, PNV, IU-ICV, CC and the mixed group —BNG, CHA, EA and NB— supported it with a total of 192 votes, while the 147 PP parliamentarians objected. ETA declared a "permanent cease-fire" that came into force on 24 March 2006 and was broken by Barajas T4 International Airport Bombings on 30 December 2006. In the years leading up to the permanent cease-fire, the government had had more success in controlling ETA, due in part to increased security cooperation with French authorities.

Spain has also contended with a [[Marxist]] resistance group, commonly known as [[GRAPO]]. GRAPO (Revolutionary group of 1 October) is an [[urban guerrilla|urban guerrilla group]], founded in Vigo, Galicia; that seeks to overthrow the Spanish Government and establish a Marxist–Leninist state. It opposes Spanish participation in [[NATO]] and U.S. presence in Spain and has a long history of assassinations, bombings, bank robberies and kidnappings mostly against Spanish interests during the 1970s and 1980s.

In a June 2000 communiqué following the explosions of two small devices in Barcelona, GRAPO claimed responsibility for several attacks throughout Spain during the past year. These attacks included two failed armored car robberies, one in which two security officers died, and four bombings of political party offices during the 1999–2000 election campaign. In 2002, Spanish authorities were successful in hampering the organization's activities through sweeping arrests, including some of the group's leadership. GRAPO is not capable of maintaining the degree of operational capability that they once enjoyed. Most members of the groups are either in jail or abroad.