Editing David Lloyd George (section)

== First World War ==
Lloyd George was as surprised as almost everyone else by the [[British entry into World War I|outbreak of the First World War]]. On 23 July 1914, almost a month after the assassination of [[Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria]] and on the eve of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia, he made a speech advocating "economy" in the House of Commons, saying that Britain's relations with Germany were better than for many years.<ref name=JenkinsPlunge>{{cite book |last=Jenkins |first=Roy |author-link=Roy Jenkins |title=Asquith |chapter=The Plunge to War 1914 |publisher=[[William Collins, Sons|Collins]] |location=London |edition=third |year=1986 |isbn=0-00-217712-9}}</ref>{{rp|325–326}} On 27 July he told [[C. P. Scott]] of the ''[[Manchester Guardian]]'' that Britain would keep out of the impending war.{{sfn|Koss|1985|p=156}} With the Cabinet divided, and most ministers reluctant for Britain to get involved, he struck Asquith as "statesmanlike" at the Cabinet meeting on 1 August, favouring keeping Britain's options open. The next day he seemed likely to resign if Britain intervened, but he held back at Cabinet on Monday 3 August, moved by the news that Belgium would resist Germany's demand of passage for her army across her soil. He was seen as a key figure whose stance helped to persuade almost the entire Cabinet to support British intervention.{{sfn|Koss|1985|pp=157–159}}<ref name=JenkinsPlunge/>{{rp|327–329}} He was able to give the more pacifist members of the cabinet and the Liberal Party a principle—the rights of small nations—which meant they could support the war and maintain united political and popular support.{{sfn|Gilbert|1992|loc=ch. From Crisis into War, pp. 110–113}}

Lloyd George remained in office as Chancellor of the Exchequer for the first year of the Great War. The budget of 17 November 1914 had to allow for lower taxation receipts because of the reduction in world trade. The [[Crimean War|Crimean]] and [[Second Boer War|Boer]] Wars had largely been paid for out of taxation, but Lloyd George raised [[United Kingdom national debt|debt financing]] of £321&nbsp;million. Large (but deferred) increases in Supertax and income tax rates were accompanied by increases in excise duties, and the budget produced a tax increase of £63&nbsp;million in a full year.<ref name=JenkinsDLG/>{{rp|174–175}} His last budget, on 4 May 1915, showed a growing concern for the effects of alcohol on the war effort, with large increases in duties, and a scheme of state control of alcohol sales in specified areas. The excise proposals were opposed by the Irish Nationalists and the Conservatives, and were abandoned.<ref name=JenkinsDLG/>{{rp|175–176}}

=== Minister of Munitions ===
{{see also|Minister of Munitions|Shell Crisis of 1915}}
[[File:David Lloyd George 1915.jpg|thumb|left|Lloyd George in 1915]]
Lloyd George gained a heroic reputation with his energetic work as Minister of Munitions in 1915 and 1916, setting the stage for his move up to the height of power. After a long struggle with the War Office, he wrested responsibility for arms production away from the generals, making it a purely industrial department, with considerable expert assistance from [[Walter Runciman, 1st Viscount Runciman of Doxford|Walter Runciman]].<ref name="Adams 1975 232–244">{{harvnb|Adams|1975|pp=232–244}}</ref> The two men gained the respect of Liberal cabinet colleagues for improving administrative capabilities, and increasing outputs.{{sfn|Grey|1925|loc=ii, pp. 242–244}}

When the [[Shell Crisis of 1915]] dismayed public opinion with the news that the Army was running short of artillery shells, demands rose for a strong leader to take charge of munitions. In the [[Asquith coalition ministry|first coalition ministry]], formed in May 1915, Lloyd George was made [[Minister of Munitions]], heading a new department.{{sfn|Fraser|1982|pp=77–94}} In this position, he won great acclaim, which formed the basis for his political ascent. All historians agree that he boosted national morale and focussed attention on the urgent need for greater output, but many also say the increase in munitions output in 1915–16 was due largely to reforms already underway, though not yet effective before he had even arrived. The Ministry broke through the cumbersome bureaucracy of the War Office, resolved labour problems, rationalised the supply system and dramatically increased production. Within a year it became the largest buyer, seller and employer in Britain.<ref name="Adams 1975 232–244"/>

[[File:M 124 Kitchener Llyod Paul Mantoux George Bertie of Thame Asquith Beyens de Broqueville Bourgeois Roques Briand Lacaze JOffre de Castelnau Rachitch Yovanovitch Vesnitch Pachitch Isvolski.JPG|thumb|280px|Lloyd George, [[Edward Grey, 1st Viscount Grey of Fallodon|Edward Grey]], [[Herbert Kitchener]], [[Nikola Pašić]], [[Antonio Salandra]], [[Alexander Izvolsky]], [[Aristide Briand]], and [[Joseph Joffre]] at a conference of the [[Allies of World War I|Allied Powers]] on 27–28 March 1916 in Paris]]

Lloyd George was not at all satisfied with the progress of the war. He wanted to "knock away the props", by attacking Germany's allies—from early in 1915 he argued for the sending of British troops to the Balkans to assist Serbia and bring Greece and other Balkan countries onto the side of the Allies (this was eventually done—the [[Macedonian front|Salonika expedition]]—although not on the scale that Lloyd George had wanted, and mountain ranges made his suggestions of grand Balkan offensives impractical); in 1916, he wanted to send machine guns to [[Romania during World War I|Romania]] (insufficient amounts were available for this to be feasible). These suggestions began a period of poor relations with the [[Chief of the Imperial General Staff]], [[William Robertson (British Army officer)|General Robertson]], who was "brusque to the point of rudeness" and "barely concealed his contempt for Lloyd George's military opinions", to which he was in the habit of retorting "I've 'eard different".{{sfn|Corrigan|2003|p=316}}

Lloyd George persuaded [[Herbert Kitchener, 1st Earl Kitchener|Kitchener]], the [[Secretary of State for War]], to raise a [[38th (Welsh) Infantry Division|Welsh Division]], and, despite Kitchener's threat of resignation, to recognise nonconformist chaplains in the Army.{{sfn|Corrigan|2003|pp=309–311}}

Late in 1915, Lloyd George became a strong supporter of general conscription, an issue that divided Liberals, and helped the passage of several [[Military Service Act 1916|conscription acts]] from January 1916 onwards. In spring 1916 [[Alfred Milner]] hoped Lloyd George could be persuaded to bring down the coalition government by resigning, but this did not happen.{{sfn|Jeffery|2006|p=176}}

=== Secretary of State for War ===
[[File:PMLloydGeorge--nsillustratedwar03londuoft.jpg|thumb|Lloyd George in 1916]]

In June 1916 Lloyd George succeeded [[Herbert Kitchener, 1st Earl Kitchener|Lord Kitchener]] (who died when the ship [[HMS Hampshire (1903)|HMS ''Hampshire'']] was sunk taking him on a mission to Russia) as [[Secretary of State for War]], although he had little control over strategy, as General Robertson had been given direct right of access to the Cabinet so as to bypass Kitchener. He did succeed in securing the appointment of Sir [[Eric Geddes]] to take charge of military railways behind British lines in France, with the honorary rank of major-general.{{sfn|Corrigan|2003|p=317}} Lloyd George told a journalist, [[Roy W. Howard]], in late September that "the fight must be to a finish—to a knockout", a rejection of President [[Woodrow Wilson]]'s offer to mediate.{{sfn|Woodward|1998|pp=37–38}}

Lloyd George was increasingly frustrated at the limited gains of the [[Somme Offensive]], criticising [[Douglas Haig, 1st Earl Haig|General Haig]] to [[Ferdinand Foch]] on a visit to the Western Front in September (British casualty ratios were worse than those of the French, who were more experienced and had more artillery), proposing sending Robertson on a mission to Russia (he refused to go), and demanding that more troops be sent to Salonika to help Romania. Robertson eventually threatened to resign.{{sfn|Woodward|1998|pp=62–63}}

Much of the press still argued that the professional leadership of Haig and Robertson was preferable to civilian interference that had led to disasters like [[Gallipoli Campaign|Gallipoli]] and [[Siege of Kut|Kut]]. [[Lord Northcliffe]], owner of ''[[The Times]]'', stormed into Lloyd George's office and, finding him unavailable, told his secretary "You can tell him that I hear he has been interfering with Strategy and that if he goes on I will break him", and the same day (11 October) Lloyd George also received a warning letter from [[H. A. Gwynne]], editor of the ''[[Morning Post]]''. He was obliged to give his "word of honour" to Asquith that he had complete confidence in Haig and Robertson and thought them irreplaceable, but he wrote to Robertson wanting to know how their differences had been leaked to the press (affecting to believe that Robertson had not personally "authorised such a breach of confidence & discipline"). He asserted his right to express his opinions about strategy in November, by which time ministers had taken to holding meetings to which Robertson was not invited.{{sfn|Woodward|1998|pp=64–65, 71–72}}

[[File:The New Conductor Opening of the 1917 Overture.jpg|thumb|A cartoon from [[Punch (magazine)|''Punch'']] depicting Lloyd George as "The New Conductor" conducting the orchestra in the "Opening of the 1917 Overture"]]
The weakness of Asquith as a planner and organiser was increasingly apparent to senior officials. After Asquith had refused, then agreed to, and then refused again Lloyd George's demand to be allowed to chair a small committee to manage the war, he resigned in December 1916. Grey was among leading Asquithians who had identified Lloyd George's intentions the previous month.{{sfn|Grey|1925|loc=ii, p. 248}} Lloyd George became prime minister, with the nation demanding he take vigorous charge of the war.{{sfn|Gilbert|1992|loc=plate facing p. 260}}

Although during the political crisis Robertson had advised Lloyd George to "stick to it" and form a small War Council, Lloyd George had planned if necessary to appeal to the country. His Military Secretary Colonel [[Arthur Lee, 1st Viscount Lee of Fareham|Arthur Lee]] prepared a memo blaming Robertson and the General Staff for the loss of Serbia and Romania. Lloyd George was restricted by his promise to the Unionists to keep Haig as Commander-in-Chief and the press support for the generals, although [[Alfred Milner|Milner]] and [[George Nathaniel Curzon|Curzon]] were also sympathetic to campaigns to increase British power in the Middle East.{{sfn|Woodward|1998|pp=79–83}} After Germany's offer (12 December 1916) of a negotiated peace, Lloyd George rebuffed President Wilson's request for the belligerents to state their war aims by demanding terms tantamount to German defeat.{{sfn|Woodward|1998|p=79}}