Editing Benjamin Disraeli (section)

==Prime Minister (1874–1880)==
=== Second term ===
{{Main|Second premiership of Benjamin Disraeli|Second Disraeli ministry}}
[[File:Derby-Northcote.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.5|[[Edward Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby|Derby]] (top) and [[Stafford Northcote, 1st Earl of Iddesleigh|Northcote]]|alt=Two gentlemen, the second bearded]]
Disraeli's cabinet of twelve, with six peers and six commoners, was the smallest since [[Reform Act 1832|Reform]]. Of the peers, five of them had been in Disraeli's 1868 cabinet; the sixth, Lord Salisbury, was reconciled to Disraeli after negotiation and became [[Secretary of State for India]]. Lord Stanley (who had succeeded his father, the former prime minister, as Earl of Derby) became Foreign Secretary and [[Sir Stafford Northcote]] the Chancellor.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 489, 538–540</ref>

In August 1876, Disraeli was elevated to the House of Lords as [[Earl of Beaconsfield]] and Viscount Hughenden. The Queen had offered to ennoble him as early as 1868; he had then declined. She did so again in 1874, when he fell ill at [[Balmoral Castle|Balmoral]], but he was reluctant to leave the Commons for a house in which he had no experience. Continued ill health during his second premiership caused him to contemplate resignation, but his lieutenant, Derby, was unwilling, feeling that he could not manage the Queen. For Disraeli, the Lords, where the debate was less intense, was the alternative to resignation. Five days before the end of the 1876 session of Parliament, on 11 August, Disraeli was seen to linger and look around the chamber before departing. Newspapers reported his ennoblement the following morning.<ref>Weintraub, pp. 558–560</ref>

In addition to the viscounty bestowed on Mary Anne Disraeli,<ref name="Hibbertpp" /> the earldom of Beaconsfield was to have been bestowed on [[Edmund Burke]] in 1797, but he had died before receiving it.<ref>Weintraub, p. 560</ref> The name [[Beaconsfield]], a town near Hughenden, was given to a minor character in ''Vivian Grey''.<ref>Kirsch, p. 212</ref> Disraeli made various statements about his elevation, writing to [[Selina Bridgeman|Selina, Lady Bradford]] on 8 August 1876, "I am quite tired of that place [the Commons]"<ref>Weintraub, p. 561</ref> but when asked by a friend how he liked the Lords, replied, "I am dead; dead but in the Elysian fields."<ref>Blake (1967), p. 569</ref>

===Domestic policy===

====Legislation====
Under the stewardship of [[Richard Assheton Cross]], the [[Home Secretary]], Disraeli's new government enacted many reforms, including the [[Artisans' and Labourers' Dwellings Improvement Act 1875]] ([[38 & 39 Vict.]] c. 36),<ref name = "mb709" /> which made inexpensive loans available to towns and cities to construct working-class housing. Also enacted were the [[Public Health Act 1875]] ([[38 & 39 Vict.]] c. 55), modernising sanitary codes,<ref name = "w530">Weintraub, p. 530</ref> the [[Sale of Food and Drugs Act 1875]] ([[38 & 39 Vict.]] c. 63), and the [[Elementary Education Act 1876]] ([[39 & 40 Vict.]] c. 70).<ref name = "mb709" /> Disraeli's government introduced a new [[Factory Act]] meant to protect workers, the [[Conspiracy, and Protection of Property Act 1875]] ([[38 & 39 Vict.]] c. 86), which allowed peaceful picketing, and the [[Employers and Workmen Act 1875]] ([[38 & 39 Vict.]] c. 90) to enable workers to sue employers in the civil courts if they broke legal contracts.

The Sale of Food and Drugs Act 1875 prohibited the mixing of injurious ingredients with articles of food or with drugs, and provision was made for the appointment of analysts; all tea "had to be examined by a customs official on importation, and when in the opinion of the analyst it was unfit for food, the tea had to be destroyed".<ref>''Conservative social and industrial reform: A record of Conservative legislation between 1800 and 1974'' by Charles E, Bellairs, p. 17</ref> The Employers and Workmen Act 1875, according to one study, "finally placed employers and employed on an equal footing before the law". The Conspiracy, and Protection of Property Act 1875 established the right to strike by providing that "an agreement or combination by one or more persons to do, or procure to be done, any act in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute between employers and workmen, shall not be indictable as a conspiracy if such act committed by one person would not be punishable as a crime".<ref>''Conservative social and industrial reform: A record of Conservative legislation between 1800 and 1974'' by Charles E, Bellairs, p. 18</ref>

As a result of these social reforms the [[Liberal-Labour (UK)|Liberal-Labour]] MP [[Alexander Macdonald (Lib–Lab politician)|Alexander Macdonald]] told his constituents in 1879, "The Conservative party have done more for the working classes in five years than the Liberals have in fifty."<ref name = "mb709">Monypenny and Buckle, p. 709</ref>

====Civil Service====
[[File:Samuel Wilberforce by Mowbray of Oxford.jpg|thumb|upright|Disraeli's failure to appoint [[Samuel Wilberforce]] as [[Bishop of London]] may have cost him votes in the 1868 election.]]
Gladstone in 1870 had sponsored an [[Order in Council]], introducing [[competitive examination]] into [[Civil Service (United Kingdom)|the Civil Service]], diminishing the political aspects of government hiring. Disraeli did not agree, and while he did not seek to reverse the order, his actions often frustrated its intent. For example, Disraeli made political appointments to positions previously given to career civil servants. He was backed by his party, hungry for office and its emoluments after almost thirty years with only brief spells in government. Disraeli gave positions to hard-up Conservative leaders, even—to Gladstone's outrage—creating one office at £2,000 per year.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 682–685</ref> Nevertheless, Disraeli made fewer peers (only 22, including one of Victoria's sons) than had Gladstone (37 during his just over five years in office).<ref>Blake (1967), p. 687</ref>

As he had in government posts, Disraeli rewarded old friends with clerical positions, making [[Sydney Turner]], son of a good friend of Isaac D'Israeli, [[Dean of Ripon]].<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 686–687</ref> He favoured [[Low church]] clergymen in promotion, disliking other movements in Anglicanism for political reasons. In this, he came into disagreement with the Queen, who out of loyalty to her late husband [[Albert, Prince Consort|Albert]] preferred [[Broad church]] teachings. One controversial appointment had occurred shortly before the [[1868 United Kingdom general election|1868 election]]. When the position of [[Archbishop of Canterbury]] fell vacant, Disraeli reluctantly agreed to the Queen's preferred candidate, [[Archibald Tait]], the [[Bishop of London]]. To fill Tait's vacant see, Disraeli was urged by many people to appoint [[Samuel Wilberforce]], the former [[Bishop of Winchester]]. Disraeli disliked Wilberforce and instead appointed [[John Jackson (bishop)|John Jackson]], the [[Bishop of Lincoln]]. Blake suggested that, on balance, these appointments cost Disraeli more votes than they gained him.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 509–511</ref>

===Foreign policy===
Disraeli always considered foreign affairs to be the most critical and interesting part of statesmanship. Nevertheless, his biographer Robert Blake doubts that his subject had specific ideas about foreign policy when he took office in 1874. He had rarely travelled abroad; since his youthful tour of the Middle East in 1830–1831, he had left Britain only for his honeymoon and three visits to Paris, the last of which was in 1856. As he had criticised Gladstone for a do-nothing foreign policy, he most probably contemplated what actions would reassert Britain's place in Europe. His brief first premiership, and the first year of his second, gave him little opportunity to make his mark in foreign affairs.<ref name="Blake (1967), pp. 570–571">Blake (1967), pp. 570–571</ref>

====Suez====
[[File:Disraeli.jpg|thumb|Portrait of Disraeli published in 1873]]
[[File:Victoria Disraeli cartoon.jpg|thumb|upright|''New Crowns for Old'' depicts Disraeli as Abanazar from the pantomime ''[[Aladdin]]'', offering Victoria an imperial crown in exchange for a royal one. Disraeli cultivated a public image of himself as an Imperialist with grand gestures such as conferring on Queen Victoria the title "Empress of India".|alt=Refer to caption]]

The [[Suez Canal]], opened in 1869, cut weeks and thousands of miles off the sea journey between Britain and India; in 1875, approximately 80% of the ships using the canal were British.<ref>Blake (1967), p. 581</ref> In the event of another rebellion in India or a Russian invasion, the time saved at Suez might be crucial. Built by French interests, 56% of the stocks in the canal remained in their hands, while 44% of the stock belonged to [[Isma'il Pasha]], the [[Khedive of Egypt]]. He was notorious for his profligate spending. The canal was losing money, and an attempt by [[Ferdinand de Lesseps]], builder of the canal, to raise the tolls had fallen through when the Khedive had threatened military force to prevent it, and had also attracted Disraeli's attention.<ref name="Blake (1967), pp. 570–571"/> The Khedive governed Egypt under the [[Ottoman Empire]]; as in the Crimea, the issue of the Canal raised the [[Eastern Question]] of what to do about the decaying empire governed from Constantinople.<ref name = "w541">Weintraub, p. 541</ref> With much of the pre-canal trade and communications between Britain and India passing through the Ottoman Empire, Britain had done its best to prop up the Ottomans against the threat that Russia would take Constantinople, cutting those communications, and giving Russian ships unfettered access to the Mediterranean. The French might also threaten those lines.<ref>Roberts, pp. 149–150</ref> Britain had had the opportunity to purchase shares in the canal but had declined to do so.<ref>Aldous, p. 262</ref>

Disraeli sent the Liberal MP [[Nathan Rothschild, 1st Baron Rothschild|Nathan Rothschild]] to Paris to enquire about buying de Lesseps's shares.<ref name = "w541" /> On 14 November 1875, the editor of the ''[[Pall Mall Gazette]]'', [[Frederick Greenwood]], learned from London banker Henry Oppenheim that the Khedive was seeking to sell his shares in the [[Suez Canal Company]] to a French firm. Greenwood quickly told Lord Derby, the Foreign Secretary, who notified Disraeli. The Prime Minister moved immediately to secure the shares. On 23 November, the Khedive offered to sell the shares for 100,000,000 [[French franc|francs]].<ref name=baer>[[Werner Baer|Baer, Werner]], [https://www.jstor.org/stable/3111714 "The Promoting and the Financing of the Suez Canal"], ''The Business History Review'', December 1956, p. 379 {{subscription}}</ref> Rather than seek the aid of the [[Bank of England]], Disraeli borrowed funds from Lionel de Rothschild, who took a commission on the deal. The banker's capital was at risk as Parliament could have refused to ratify the transaction.<ref>Aldous, pp. 262–263</ref> The contract for purchase was signed at Cairo on 25 November and the shares deposited at the British consulate the following day.<ref name = baer/><ref>Geoffrey Hicks, "Disraeli, Derby and the Suez Canal, 1875: some myths reassessed." ''History'' 97.326 (2012): 182&ndash;203.</ref>

Disraeli told the Queen, "it is settled; you have it, madam!"<ref name="a263">Aldous, p.&nbsp;263</ref> The public saw the venture as a daring statement of British dominance of the seas. [[Sir Ian Malcolm]] described the Suez Canal share purchase as "the greatest romance of Mr. Disraeli's romantic career".<ref name = baer/> In the following decades, the security of the Suez Canal became a major concern of British foreign policy. Under Gladstone, Britain took control of Egypt in 1882. A later Foreign Secretary, [[Lord Curzon]], described the canal in 1909 as "the determining influence of every considerable movement of British power to the east and south of the Mediterranean".<ref name = "a263" />

====Royal Titles Act====
{{main|Royal Titles Act 1876}}
Although initially curious about Disraeli when he entered Parliament in 1837, Victoria came to detest him over his treatment of Peel. Over time, her dislike softened, especially as Disraeli took pains to cultivate her. He told [[Matthew Arnold]], "Everybody likes flattery; and, when you come to royalty, you should lay it on with a trowel".<ref>Kirsch, pp. 202, 205</ref> Disraeli's biographer, [[Adam Kirsch]], suggests that Disraeli's obsequious treatment of his queen was part flattery, part belief that this was how a queen should be addressed by a loyal subject, and part awe that a middle-class man of Jewish birth should be the companion of a monarch.<ref>Kirsch, pp. 203–205</ref> By the time of his second premiership, Disraeli had built a strong relationship with Victoria, probably closer to her than any of her prime ministers except her first, [[Lord Melbourne]]. When Disraeli returned as prime minister in 1874 and went to [[kiss hands]], he did so literally, on one knee; according to Richard Aldous in his book on the rivalry between Disraeli and Gladstone, "Victoria and Disraeli would exploit their closeness for mutual advantage."<ref>Aldous, pp. 246–247</ref>

Victoria had long wished to have an imperial title, reflecting Britain's expanding domain.<ref>Weintraub, p. 548</ref> She was irked when Tsar [[Alexander II of Russia|Alexander II]] held a higher rank than her as an emperor, and was appalled that her daughter, the Prussian Crown Princess, would outrank her when [[Frederick III, German Emperor|her husband]] came to the throne.<ref>Aldous, pp. 263–264</ref> She also saw an imperial title as proclaiming Britain's increased stature in the world.<ref>Weintraub, p. 549</ref> The title "[[Empress of India]]" had been used informally for some time and she wished to have that title formally bestowed on her. The Queen prevailed upon Disraeli to introduce a Royal Titles Bill, and also told of her intent to [[State Opening of Parliament|open Parliament]] in person, which during this time she did only when she wanted something from legislators. Disraeli was cautious in response, as careful soundings of MPs brought a negative reaction, and he declined to place such a proposal in the [[Queen's Speech]].<ref>Weintraub, p. 551</ref>

Once the desired bill was finally prepared, Disraeli's handling of it was not adept. He neglected to notify either the Prince of Wales or the Opposition and was met by irritation from the prince and a full-scale attack from the Liberals. An old enemy of Disraeli, former Liberal Chancellor [[Robert Lowe]], alleged during the debate in the Commons that two previous prime ministers had refused to introduce such legislation for the Queen. Gladstone immediately stated that he was not one of them, and the Queen gave Disraeli leave to quote her saying she had never approached a prime minister with such a proposal. According to Blake, Disraeli "in a brilliant oration of withering invective proceeded to destroy Lowe", who apologised and never held office again.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 563–564</ref> Disraeli said of Lowe that he was the only person in London with whom he would not shake hands: "he is in the mud and there I leave him."<ref>Blake (1967), p. 564</ref>

Fearful of losing, Disraeli was reluctant to bring the bill to a vote in the Commons, but when he did it passed with a majority of 75. Once the bill was formally enacted, Victoria began signing her letters "Victoria R & I" ({{langx|la|Regina et Imperatrix}}, Queen and Empress).<ref>Weintraub, p. 553</ref> According to Aldous, the bill "shattered Disraeli's authority in the House of Commons".<ref>Aldous, p. 265</ref>

====Balkans and Bulgaria====
[[File:Fight near Telish 1877.jpg|thumb|Fight in Bulgaria during the [[Russo-Turkish War (1877–78)|Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78]]|alt=Cavalry wielding sabres fight men with guns on foot]]
In July 1875 Serb populations in [[Bosnia (region)|Bosnia]] and [[Herzegovina]], then provinces of the Ottoman Empire, [[Herzegovina Uprising (1875–77)|revolted]] against the Turks, alleging religious persecution and poor administration. The following January, Sultan [[Abdülaziz]] agreed to reforms proposed by Hungarian statesman [[Julius Andrássy]], but the rebels, suspecting they might win their freedom, continued their uprising, joined by militants in Serbia [[April Uprising|and Bulgaria]]. The Turks suppressed the Bulgarian uprising harshly, and when reports of these actions escaped, Disraeli and Derby stated in Parliament that they did not believe them. Disraeli called them "coffee-house babble" and dismissed allegations of torture by the Ottomans since "Oriental people usually terminate their connections with culprits in a more expeditious fashion".<ref>Roberts, pp. 150–151</ref>

Gladstone, who had left the Liberal leadership and retired from public life, was appalled by reports of [[Batak massacre|atrocities in Bulgaria]], and in August 1876, penned a hastily written pamphlet arguing that the Turks should be deprived of Bulgaria because of what they had done there. He sent a copy to Disraeli, who called it "vindictive and ill-written&nbsp;... of all the Bulgarian horrors perhaps the greatest".<ref>Jenkins, pp. 399–403</ref> Gladstone's pamphlet became an immense best-seller and rallied the Liberals to urge that the Ottoman Empire should no longer be a British ally. Disraeli wrote to Lord Salisbury on 3 September, "Had it not been for these unhappy 'atrocities', we should have settled a peace very honourable to England and satisfactory to Europe. Now we are obliged to work from a new point of departure, and dictate to Turkey, who has forfeited all sympathy."<ref>Roberts, pp. 151–152</ref> In spite of this, Disraeli's policy favoured Constantinople and Ottoman territorial integrity.<ref>Blake (1967), p. 607</ref>

[[File:Constantinople-conference.jpg|thumb|upright|International delegates at the Constantinople Conference: clockwise from top left, [[Saffet Pasha]] (Turkey), [[General Ignatieff]] (Russia), Lord Salisbury (Britain) and the Comte de Chaudordy (France)|alt=Four men]]
Disraeli and the cabinet sent Salisbury as lead British representative to the [[Constantinople Conference]], which met in December 1876 and January 1877.<ref name = "j409">Jenkins, p. 409</ref> In advance of the conference, Disraeli sent Salisbury private word to seek British military occupation of Bulgaria and Bosnia, and British control of the [[Ottoman Army]]. Salisbury ignored these instructions, which his biographer, [[Andrew Roberts (historian)|Andrew Roberts]] deemed "ludicrous".<ref>Roberts, pp. 160–161</ref> The conference failed to reach agreement with the Turks.<ref>Weintraub, p. 571</ref>

Parliament opened in February 1877, with Disraeli now in the Lords as Earl of Beaconsfield. He spoke only once there in the 1877 session on the Eastern Question, stating on 20 February that there was a need for stability in the Balkans, and that forcing Turkey into territorial concessions would not secure it. The Prime Minister wanted a deal with the Ottomans whereby Britain would temporarily occupy strategic areas to deter the Russians from war, to be returned on the signing of a peace treaty, but found little support in his cabinet, which favoured partition of the Ottoman Empire. As Disraeli, by then in poor health, continued to battle within the cabinet, Russia invaded Turkey on 21 April, beginning the [[Russo-Turkish War (1877–78)|Russo-Turkish War]].<ref>Weintraub, pp. 576–577</ref>

====Congress of Berlin====
{{main|Congress of Berlin}}

The Russians pushed through Ottoman territory and by December 1877 had captured the strategic Bulgarian town of [[Pleven|Plevna]]. The war divided the British, but the Russian success caused some to forget the atrocities and call for intervention on the Turkish side. Others hoped for further Russian successes. The fall of Plevna was a major story for weeks, and Disraeli's warnings that Russia was a threat to British interests in the eastern Mediterranean were deemed prophetic. The [[jingoistic]] attitude of many Britons increased Disraeli's political support, and the Queen showed her favour by visiting him at Hughenden—the first time she had visited the country home of her prime minister since [[Second Melbourne ministry|the Melbourne ministry]]. At the end of January 1878, the Ottoman Sultan appealed to Britain to save Constantinople. Amid war fever in Britain, the government asked Parliament to vote £6,000,000 to prepare the [[British Army|Army]] and [[Royal Navy|Navy]] for war. Gladstone opposed the measure, but less than half his party voted with him. Popular opinion was with Disraeli, though some thought him too soft for not immediately declaring war on Russia.<ref>Aldous, pp. 279–284</ref>

[[File:Bulgaria-SanStefano -(1878)-byTodorBozhinov.png|thumb|Bulgaria as constituted under the San Stefano treaty and as divided at Berlin|alt=A map. See description]]
With the Russians close to Constantinople, the Turks yielded and in March 1878, signed the [[Treaty of San Stefano]], [[Liberation of Bulgaria|conceding a Bulgarian state]] covering a large part of the Balkans. It would be initially Russian-occupied and many feared that it would give them a [[client state]] close to Constantinople. Other Ottoman possessions in Europe would become independent; additional territory was to be ceded directly to Russia. This was unacceptable to the British, who protested, hoping to get the Russians to agree to attend an international conference which German Chancellor Bismarck proposed to hold at Berlin. The cabinet discussed Disraeli's proposal to position Indian troops at Malta for possible transit to the Balkans<ref>Roberts, pp. 185–187</ref> and call out reserves. Derby resigned in protest, and Disraeli appointed Salisbury as Foreign Secretary. Amid British preparations for war, the Russians and Turks agreed to discussions at Berlin.<ref>Weintraub, pp. 588–590</ref>

In advance of the meeting, confidential negotiations took place between Britain and Russia in April and May 1878. The Russians were willing to make changes to the big Bulgaria, but were determined to retain their new possessions, [[Bessarabia]] in Europe and [[Batum]] and [[Kars]] on the east coast of the [[Black Sea]]. To counterbalance this, Britain required a possession in the Eastern Mediterranean where it might base ships and troops and negotiated with the Ottomans for the cession of [[Cyprus]]. Once this was secretly agreed, Disraeli was prepared to allow Russia's territorial gains.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 644–645</ref>

[[File:Pas-de-deux-disraeli-salisbury.jpg|thumb|upright|left|Disraeli (right) and Salisbury as Knights of the Garter, portrayed by [[John Tenniel]] in ''The Pas de deux (From the Scène de Triomphe in the Grand Anglo-Turkish Ballet d'Action)''|alt=Refer to caption]]

The [[Congress of Berlin]] was held in June and July 1878, the central relationship in it that between Disraeli and Bismarck. In later years, the German chancellor would show visitors to his office three pictures on the wall: "the portrait of my Sovereign, there on the right that of my wife, and on the left, there, that of Lord Beaconsfield".<ref>Aldous, p. 284</ref> Disraeli caused an uproar in the congress by making his opening address in English, rather than in French, hitherto accepted as the international language of diplomacy. By one account, the British ambassador in Berlin, [[Lord Odo Russell]], hoping to spare the delegates Disraeli's very poor French accent, told Disraeli that the congress was hoping to hear a speech in English by one of its masters.<ref name = "b648">Blake (1967), p. 648</ref>

Disraeli left much of the detailed work to Salisbury, concentrating his efforts on making it as difficult as possible for the broken-up big Bulgaria to reunite.<ref name = "b648" /> Disraeli intended that Batum be demilitarised, but the Russians obtained their preferred language, and in 1886, fortified the town. Nevertheless, the [[Cyprus Convention]] ceding the island to Britain was announced during the congress, and again made Disraeli a sensation.<ref name = "b649">Blake (1967), p. 649</ref>

Disraeli gained agreement that Turkey should retain enough of its European possessions to safeguard the [[Dardanelles]]. By one account, when met with Russian intransigence, Disraeli told his secretary to order a special train to return them home to begin the war. Czar Alexander II later described the congress as "a European coalition against Russia, under Bismarck".<ref>Weintraub, pp. 595–596</ref>

The [[Treaty of Berlin (1878)|Treaty of Berlin]] was signed on 13 July 1878 at the [[Reich Chancellery|Radziwill Palace]] in Berlin.{{refn|For the first time, the title of Britain's lead signatory was given as "Prime Minister":<ref>Aldous, p. 285</ref> Disraeli signed as "First Lord of the Treasury and Prime Minister of her Britannic Majesty".<ref>Chris Bryant, ''Parliament: The Biography (Volume II – Reform)'', Random House, 2014. p. 45</ref>|group= n}} Disraeli and Salisbury returned home to heroes' receptions. At the door of [[10 Downing Street]], Disraeli received flowers sent by the Queen.<ref>Aldous, pp. 286–287</ref> There, he told the gathered crowd, "Lord Salisbury and I have brought you back peace—but a peace I hope with honour."<ref name="Weintraub, p. 597">Weintraub, p. 597</ref>{{refn|Disraeli was probably trying to evoke the unfortunate words of Russell before the Crimean War, "If peace cannot be maintained with honour, it is no longer peace."<ref name="Weintraub, p. 597"/> Disraeli's words would be recalled by later Prime Minister [[Neville Chamberlain]] in 1938, saying that it was the second time a Prime Minister had [[Munich Agreement|returned from Germany]] bearing peace with honour, before declaring "peace for our time".<ref>Aldous, p. 287</ref>|group= n}} The Queen offered him a dukedom, which he declined, though accepting [[Order of the Garter|the Garter]], as long as Salisbury also received it.<ref>Bradford, p. 354</ref> In Berlin, word spread of Bismarck's admiring description of Disraeli, "''Der alte Jude, das ist der Mann!''&nbsp;"{{refn|Variously translated, but literally "The old Jew, this is the man!"|group= n}}<ref>Weintraub, p. 598</ref>
In the weeks after Berlin, Disraeli and the cabinet considered calling a general election to capitalise on the public applause he and Salisbury had received. Parliaments were then for a seven-year term, and it was the custom not to go to the country until the sixth year unless forced to by events. Only four and a half years had passed and they did not see any clouds on the horizon that might forecast Conservative defeat if they waited. This decision not to seek re-election has often been cited as a great mistake by Disraeli. Blake, however, pointed out that results in local elections had been moving against the Conservatives, and doubted if Disraeli missed any great opportunity by waiting.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 655–656</ref>

====Afghanistan to Zululand====
{{main|Second Anglo-Afghan War|Anglo-Zulu War}}
[[File:Battle in Afghanistan.jpg|thumb|right|A depiction of the [[Battle of Kandahar (1880)|Battle of Kandahar]], fought in 1880. Britain's victory in the Second Anglo-Afghan War proved a boost to Disraeli's government.]]

As successful invasions of India generally came through Afghanistan, the British had observed and sometimes intervened there since the 1830s, hoping to keep the Russians out. In 1878 the Russians sent a mission to Kabul; it was not rejected by the Afghans, as the British had hoped. The British proposed to send their own mission, insisting that the Russians be sent away. The Viceroy of India [[Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 1st Earl of Lytton|Lord Lytton]] concealed his plans to issue this ultimatum from Disraeli, and when the Prime Minister insisted he take no action, went ahead anyway. When the Afghans made no answer, [[Gathorne Gathorne-Hardy, 1st Earl of Cranbrook|Lord Cranbrook]] as Secretary of State for War, ordered the advance against them in the [[Second Anglo-Afghan War]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=KLEIN |first=IRA |date=1974 |title=WHO MADE THE SECOND AFGHAN WAR? |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41930144 |journal=Journal of Asian History |volume=8 |issue=2 |pages=97–121 |issn=0021-910X}}</ref> Under [[Frederick Roberts, 1st Earl Roberts|Lord Roberts]], the British easily defeated them and installed a new ruler, leaving a mission and garrison in [[Kabul]].<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 658–663</ref>

British policy in South Africa was to encourage federation between the British-run [[Cape Colony]] and [[Colony of Natal|Natal]], and the [[Boer republics]], the [[South African Republic|Transvaal]] (annexed by Britain in 1877) and the [[Orange Free State]]. The governor of Cape Colony, [[Sir Bartle Frere]], believing that the federation could not be accomplished until the native tribes acknowledged British rule, made demands on the [[Zulu people|Zulu]] and their king, [[Cetewayo]], which they were certain to reject. As Zulu troops could not marry until they had washed their spears in blood, they were eager for combat. Frere did not send word to the cabinet of what he had done until the ultimatum was about to expire. Disraeli and the cabinet reluctantly backed him, and in early January 1879 resolved to send reinforcements. Before they could arrive, on 22 January, a Zulu ''[[impi]]'' (army), moving with great speed and endurance, destroyed a British encampment in South Africa in the [[Battle of Isandlwana]]. Over a thousand British and colonial troops were killed. Word of the defeat did not reach London until 12 February.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 666–672</ref> Disraeli wrote the next day, "the terrible disaster has shaken me to the centre".<ref>Aldous, p. 293</ref> He reprimanded Frere, but left him in charge, attracting fire from all sides. Disraeli sent General [[Sir Garnet Wolseley]] as High Commissioner and Commander in Chief, and Cetewayo and the Zulus were crushed at the [[Battle of Ulundi]] on 4 July 1879.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 671–672</ref>

On 8 September 1879 [[Pierre Louis Napoleon Cavagnari|Sir Louis Cavagnari]], in charge of the mission in Kabul, was killed with his entire staff by rebelling [[Military history of Afghanistan|Afghan soldiers]]. Roberts undertook a successful punitive expedition against the Afghans over the next six weeks.<ref>Blake (1967), p. 675</ref>

===1880 election===
{{main|1880 United Kingdom general election}}
In December 1878, Gladstone was offered the Liberal nomination for [[Edinburghshire (UK Parliament constituency)|Edinburghshire]], a constituency popularly known as Midlothian. The small Scottish electorate was dominated by two noblemen, the Conservative [[Walter Montagu Douglas Scott, 5th Duke of Buccleuch|Duke of Buccleuch]] and the Liberal [[Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery|Earl of Rosebery]]. The Earl, a friend of both Disraeli and Gladstone who would succeed the latter after his final term as prime minister, had journeyed to the United States to view politics there, and was convinced that [[American election campaigns in the 19th century|aspects of American electioneering techniques]] could be translated to Britain. On his advice, Gladstone accepted the offer in January 1879, and later that year began his [[Midlothian campaign]], speaking not only in Edinburgh, but across Britain, attacking Disraeli, to huge crowds.<ref>Aldous, pp. 290–295</ref>

Conservative chances of re-election were damaged by the poor weather, and consequent effects on agriculture. Four consecutive wet summers through 1879 had led to poor harvests. In the past, the farmer had the consolation of higher prices at such times, but with bumper crops cheaply transported from the United States, grain prices remained low. Other European nations, faced with similar circumstances, opted for protection, and Disraeli was urged to reinstitute the Corn Laws. He declined, stating that he regarded the matter as settled. Protection would have been highly unpopular among the newly enfranchised urban working classes, as it would raise their cost of living. Amid an economic slump generally, the Conservatives lost support among farmers.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 697–699</ref>

Disraeli's health continued to fail through 1879. Owing to his infirmities, Disraeli was 45 minutes late for the [[Lord Mayor of London#Role|Lord Mayor's Dinner]] at the [[Guildhall, London|Guildhall]] in November, at which it is customary that the Prime Minister speaks. Though many commented on how healthy he looked, it took him great effort to appear so, and when he told the audience he expected to speak to the dinner again the following year, attendees chuckled. Gladstone was then in the midst of his campaign. Despite his public confidence, Disraeli recognised that the Conservatives would probably lose the next election and was already contemplating his [[Resignation Honours]].<ref>Weintraub, pp. 616–618</ref>

Despite this pessimism, Conservatives hopes were buoyed in early 1880 with successes in by-elections the Liberals had expected to win, concluding with victory in [[Southwark (UK Parliament constituency)|Southwark]], normally a Liberal stronghold. The cabinet had resolved to wait before dissolving Parliament; in early March they reconsidered, agreeing to go to the country as soon as possible. Parliament was dissolved on 24 March; the first borough constituencies began voting a week later.<ref>Blake (1967), pp. 702–707</ref>

Disraeli took no public part in the electioneering, it being deemed improper for peers to make speeches to influence Commons elections. This meant that the chief Conservatives—Disraeli, Salisbury, and India Secretary [[Gathorne Gathorne-Hardy, 1st Earl of Cranbrook|Lord Cranbrook]]—would not be heard from. The election was thought likely to be close.<ref>Aldous, p. 301</ref> Once returns began to be announced, it became clear that the Conservatives were decisively beaten. The final result gave the Liberals an absolute majority of about 50.{{refn|Party labels being less precise in the nineteenth century than latterly, accounts vary of the number of seats won. Of the 652 Commons seats, Blake gives the distribution as 353 (Liberals), 238 (Conservatives) and 61 (Home Rulers);<ref>Blake (1967), p. 712</ref> Bradford gives the figures as 353, 237 and 62;<ref>Bradford, p. 370</ref> Aldous gives 347, 240 and 65.<ref>Aldous, p. 303</ref>|group= n}}