Editing Sutton Hoo (section)

=== Upper body area: purse, shoulder-clasps and great buckle ===

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| footer = ''Clockwise from upper left'': The [[Sutton Hoo purse-lid|purse-lid]], Great Buckle, ornate gold belt and the two identical shoulder-clasps from the treasure.
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Together with the sword harness and scabbard mounts, the gold and garnet objects found in the upper body space, which form a co-ordinated ensemble, are among the true wonders of Sutton Hoo. Their artistic and technical quality is exceptional.{{sfnm|Bruce-Mitford|1978|1pp=432–625|Evans|1986|2p=109}}

The "great" gold buckle is made in three parts.<ref>Bruce-Mitford 1978, 536–563; Evans 1986, 8991; Plunkett 2001, 73–75. It is {{convert|13.2|cm}} long, weighing {{convert|414|g}}.</ref> The plate is a long ovoid of a meandering but symmetrical outline with densely interwoven and interpenetrating ribbon animals rendered in [[chip-carving]] on the front. The gold surfaces are punched to receive niello detail. The plate is hollow and has a hinged back, forming a secret chamber, possibly for a [[relic]]. Both the tongue-plate and hoop are solid, ornamented, and expertly engineered.

Each shoulder-clasp consists of two matching curved halves, hinged upon a long removable chained pin.{{sfn|Bruce-Mitford|1978|pp=523–535, 584–589}} The surfaces display panels of interlocking stepped garnets and chequer millefiori insets, surrounded by [[interlace (art)|interlaced]] ornament of [[Animal style#Germanic animal style|Germanic Style II]] ribbon animals. The half-round clasp ends contain garnet-work of interlocking [[wild boar]]s with [[filigree]] surrounds. On the underside of the mounts are [[Lug (knob)|lugs]] for attachment to a stiff leather [[cuirass]]. The function of the clasps is to hold together the two halves of such armour so that it can fit the torso closely in the Roman manner.<ref>Evans 1986, 85–88. Compare, for instance, the [[Prima Porta]] statue of [[Augustus]].</ref> The cuirass itself, possibly worn in the grave, did not survive. No other Anglo-Saxon cuirass clasps are known.

The [[Sutton Hoo purse-lid|ornamental purse-lid]], covering a lost leather pouch, hung from the waist-belt.{{sfnm|Bruce-Mitford|1978|1pp=487–522|Evans|1986|2pp=87–88}} The lid consists of a kidney-shaped cell work-frame enclosing a sheet of the horn, on which were mounted pairs of exquisite garnet cell work plaques depicting birds, wolves devouring men (or the ancient motif of the [[Master of Animals]]), geometric motifs and a double panel showing animals with interlaced extremities. The maker derived these images from the ornament of the Swedish-style helmets and shield-mounts, transferring them into the cell work medium with dazzling technical and artistic virtuosity.

These are the work of a master-goldsmith of the highest level in Europe who had access to an East Anglian [[Armory (military)|armoury]] containing the objects used as pattern sources. As an ensemble they enabled the patron to appear imperial.{{efn|That is, in the sense of the ''Imitatio Imperii Romanorum'', not meaning an actual imperial claim.}}<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Kendrick |first1=T.D. |title=The Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial. II. The Gold Ornaments |journal=Antiquity |date=1940 |volume=14 |issue=53 |pages=28–30 |doi=10.1017/S0003598X00014757 |s2cid=164196111 }}</ref><ref>Bruce-Mitford 1975, 685–690; Evans 1986, 83–93; Plunkett 2005, 89–96.</ref>
The purse contained thirty-seven gold [[shillings]] or [[History of the English penny (c. 600 – 1066)#The earliest gold coinage: thrymsas|tremisses]], each originating from a different Frankish [[Mint (coin)|mint]]. They were deliberately collected. There were also three blank coins and two small [[ingot]]s.{{sfn|Bruce-Mitford|1975|pp=578–677}} This has prompted various explanations: possibly like the Roman ''[[obolus]]'' they may have been left to pay the forty ghostly oarsmen in the afterworld or were a funeral tribute, or an expression of allegiance.<ref>See Scarfe 1982, 30–37 for an attempt to link them to the story of Rædwald.</ref> They provide the primary evidence for the date of the burial, which was debatably in the third decade of the 7th century.{{sfn|Evans|1986|pp=88–89}}