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Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
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===Early political issues=== Before the Molotov–Ribbentrop pact was announced, Western communists denied that such a treaty would be signed. [[Herbert Biberman]], a future member of the [[Hollywood Ten]], denounced rumours as "Fascist propaganda". [[Earl Browder]], the head of the [[Communist Party USA]], stated that "there is as much chance of agreement as of Earl Browder being elected president of the [[United States Chamber of Commerce|Chamber of Commerce]]."<ref name="friedrich1997">{{cite book|title=City of Nets: A Portrait of Hollywood in the 1940s|publisher=University of California Press|last=Friedrich|first=Otto|year=1997 |location=Berkeley; Los Angeles|page=[https://archive.org/details/cityofnetsportra00frie/page/24 24]|isbn=0-520-20949-4|edition=reprint |url=https://archive.org/details/cityofnetsportra00frie/page/24}}</ref> Gunther wrote, however, that some knew "communism and Fascism were more closely allied than was normally understood", and [[Ernst von Weizsäcker]] had told [[Nevile Henderson]] on 16 August that the Soviet Union would "join in sharing in the Polish spoils".{{r|gunther1940}} In September 1939, the Comintern suspended all anti-Nazi and anti-fascist propaganda and explained that the war in Europe was a matter of capitalist states attacking one another for imperialist purposes.<ref name="cohen110">{{cite book|last=Cohen |first=Yohanon|title=Small Nations in Times of Crisis and Confrontation|publisher=SUNY Press|year=1989 |isbn=0-7914-0018-2|page=110}}.</ref> Western communists acted accordingly; although they had previously supported [[collective security]], they now denounced Britain and France for going to war.{{r|friedrich1997}} When anti-German demonstrations erupted in [[Prague]], [[Czechoslovakia]], the Comintern ordered the [[Communist Party of Czechoslovakia]] to employ all of its strength to paralyse "chauvinist elements".<ref name="cohen110"/> Moscow soon forced the [[French Communist Party]] and the [[Communist Party of Great Britain]] to adopt anti-war positions. On 7 September, Stalin called [[Georgi Dimitrov]],{{Clarify|date=February 2009}}<!--What for?--> who sketched a new Comintern line on the war that stated that the war was unjust and imperialist, which was approved by the secretariat of the Comintern on 9 September. Thus, western communist parties now had to oppose the war and to vote against war credits.<ref name="What Next">{{Cite web|last=Flewers|first=Paul|work=What Next|quote=Stalin was publicly making the none-too-subtle implication that some form of deal between the Soviet Union and Germany could not be ruled out|url=http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/Newint/Redflag.html|title=From the Red Flag to the Union Jack: The Rise of Domestic Patriotism in the Communist Party of Great Britain|year=1995|access-date=14 February 2006|url-status=dead|archive-date=23 February 2006|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060223124354/http://www.whatnextjournal.co.uk/Pages/Newint/Redflag.html}}</ref> Although the French communists had unanimously voted in Parliament for war credits on 2 September and declared their "unshakeable will" to defend the country on 19 September, the Comintern formally instructed the party to condemn the war as imperialist on 27 September. By 1 October, the French communists advocated listening to German peace proposals, and leader [[Maurice Thorez]] deserted from the [[French Army]] on 4 October and fled to Russia.{{r|jackson2001}} Other communists also deserted from the army. The [[Communist Party of Germany]] featured similar attitudes. In ''Die Welt'', a communist newspaper published in [[Stockholm]]{{Efn|Having been banned in Stockholm, it continued to be published in [[Zürich]].<ref>{{Citation|url=http://library.fes.de/fulltext/sozmit/som-von-aussen.htm|title=Sozmit|contribution=Som von Außen|place=[[Germany|DE]]|publisher=FES|access-date=19 September 2010|archive-date=17 May 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210517035922/http://library.fes.de/fulltext/sozmit/som-von-aussen.htm|url-status=live}}.</ref>}} the exiled communist leader [[Walter Ulbricht]] opposed the Allies, stated that Britain represented "the most reactionary force in the world",<ref>{{Cite web|place=DE|url=http://library.fes.de/fulltext/sozmit/1940-008.htm|title=Sozialistische Mitteilungen|publisher=FES|issue=8|year=1940|access-date=19 September 2010|archive-date=20 October 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211020042906/http://library.fes.de/fulltext/sozmit/1940-008.htm|url-status=live}}.</ref> and argued, "The German government declared itself ready for friendly relations with the Soviet Union, whereas the English–French war bloc desires a war against the socialist Soviet Union. The Soviet people and the working people of Germany have an interest in preventing the English war plan".<ref>{{cite book|first=Walther|last=Hofer|title=Die Entfesselung des Zweiten Weltkrieges|year=2007|publisher=Lit|isbn=978-3-8258-0383-4|pages=224–5|quote=Die Welt, February 1940.}}</ref> Despite a warning by the Comintern, German tensions were raised when the Soviets stated in September that they must enter Poland to "protect" their ethnic Ukrainian and Belarusian brethren from Germany. Molotov later admitted to German officials that the excuse was necessary because the Kremlin could find no other pretext for the Soviet invasion.{{Sfn|Nekrich|Ulam|Freeze|1997|pp=128–9}} During the early months of the Pact, Soviet foreign policy became critical of the Allies and more pro-German in turn. During the Fifth Session of the Supreme Soviet on 31 October 1939, Molotov analysed the international situation, thus giving the direction for communist propaganda. According to Molotov, Germany had a legitimate interest in regaining its position as a great power, and the Allies had started an aggressive war in order to maintain the Versailles system.<ref>{{cite book|editor-first=Bianka|editor-last=Pietrow-Ennker|first=Bianka|last=Pietrow-Ennker|contribution=Stalinistische Außen- und Deutschlandpolitik 1939–1941|title=Präventivkrieg? Der Deutsche Angriff auf die Sowjetunion|publisher=Fischer|place=Frankfurt am Main|year=2000|edition=3|page=85|isbn=978-3-596-14497-6}}</ref>
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