Editing Jomo Kenyatta (section)

====Economic policy====

Independent Kenya had an economy heavily molded by colonial rule; agriculture dominated while industry was limited, and there was a heavy reliance on exporting primary goods while importing capital and manufactured goods.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|p=83}} Under Kenyatta, the structure of this economy did not fundamentally change, remaining externally oriented and dominated by [[multinational corporation]]s and foreign capital.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|pp=90, 91}} Kenyatta's economic policy was [[capitalism|capitalist]] and [[entrepreneurial]],{{sfnm|1a1=Arnold|1y=1974|1p=84|2a1=Maxon|2y=1995|2p=115|3a1=Maloba|3y=2017|3p=6}} with no serious socialist policies being pursued;{{sfn|Arnold|1974|p=208}} its focus was on achieving [[economic growth]] as opposed to equitable redistribution.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|p=85}} The government passed laws to encourage foreign investment, recognising that Kenya needed foreign-trained specialists in scientific and technical fields to aid its economic development.{{sfn|Arnold|1974|pp=157–158}} Under Kenyatta, Western companies regarded Kenya as a safe and profitable place for investment;{{sfn|Arnold|1974|p=177}} between 1964 and 1970, large-scale foreign investment and industry in Kenya nearly doubled.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|p=85}}
[[File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM President Jomo Kenyatta kijkt toe bij de keuring van stamboekvee tijdens de Eldoret Agricultural Show TMnr 20038663.jpg|thumb|left|Kenyatta at an agricultural show in 1968]]

In contrast to his economic policies, Kenyatta publicly claimed he would create a [[democratic socialism|democratic socialist]] state with an equitable distribution of economic and social development.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|p=91}} In 1965, when [[Thomas Mboya]] was minister for economic planning and development, the government issued a session paper titled "African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya", in which it officially declared its commitment to what it called an "[[African socialism|African socialist]]" economic model.{{sfnm|1a1=Ochieng|1y=1995|1p=83|2a1=Assensoh|2y=1998|2p=64|3a1=Maloba|3y=2017|3p=77}} The session proposed a [[mixed economy]] with an important role for private capital,{{sfnm|1a1=Savage|1y=1970|1p=520|2a1=Ochieng|2y=1995|2p=84}} with Kenyatta's government specifying that it would only consider [[nationalisation]] in instances where national security was at risk.{{sfnm|1a1=Ochieng|1y=1995|1p=84|2a1=Assensoh|2y=1998|2p=64}} Left-wing critics highlighted that the image of "African socialism" portrayed in the document provided for no major shift away from the colonial economy.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|p=96}}

Kenya's agricultural and industrial sectors were dominated by Europeans and its commerce and trade by Asians; one of Kenyatta's most pressing issues was to bring the economy under indigenous control.{{sfn|Ochieng|1995|p=85}} There was growing black resentment towards the Asian domination of the small business sector,{{sfn|Arnold|1974|p=171}} with Kenyatta's government putting pressure on Asian-owned businesses, intending to replace them with African-owned counterparts.{{sfn|Savage|1970|p=521}} The 1965 session paper promised an "Africanization" of the Kenyan economy,{{sfn|Assensoh|1998|pp=64–65}} with the government increasingly pushing for "black capitalism".{{sfn|Savage|1970|p=521}} The government established the [[Industrial and Commercial Development Corporation]] to provide loans for black-owned businesses,{{sfn|Savage|1970|p=521}} and secured a 51% share in the Kenya National Assurance Company.{{sfn|Savage|1970|p=522}} In 1965, the government established the Kenya National Trading Corporation to ensure indigenous control over the trade in essential commodities,{{sfn|Assensoh|1998|p=64}} while the Trade Licensing Act of 1967 prohibited non-citizens from involvement in the rice, sugar, and maize trade.{{sfnm|1a1=Savage|1y=1970|1p=521|2a1=Ochieng|2y=1995|2p=85|3a1=Maxon|3y=1995|3p=114|4a1=Assensoh|4y=1998|4p=64}} During the 1970s, this expanded to cover the trade in soap, cement, and textiles.{{sfn|Assensoh|1998|p=64}} Many Asians who had retained British citizenship were affected by these measures.{{sfnm|1a1=Murray-Brown|1y=1974|1p=316|2a1=Arnold|2y=1974|2p=170}} Between late 1967 and early 1968, growing numbers of Kenyan Asians migrated to Britain;{{sfn|Arnold|1974|p=114}} in February 1968 large numbers migrated quickly before [[Immigration Act 1971|a legal change revoked their right to do so]].{{sfn|Arnold|1974|p=172}} Kenyatta was not sympathetic to those leaving: "Kenya's identity as an African country is not going to be altered by the whims and malaises of groups of uncommitted individuals."{{sfn|Arnold|1974|p=172}}

Under Kenyatta, corruption became widespread throughout the government, civil service, and business community.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|pp=215–216}} Kenyatta and his family were tied up with this corruption as they enriched themselves through the mass purchase of property after 1963.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|pp=236–237}} Their acquisitions in the Central, Rift Valley, and Coast Provinces aroused great anger among landless Kenyans.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|p=241}} His family used his presidential position to circumvent legal or administrative obstacles to acquiring property.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|p=238}} The Kenyatta family also heavily invested in the coastal hotel business, Kenyatta personally owning the Leonard Beach Hotel.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|p=242}} Other businesses they were involved with included ruby mining in [[Tsavo East National Park|Tsavo National Park]], the casino business, the charcoal trade—which was causing significant deforestation—and the ivory trade.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|pp=242–244}} The Kenyan press, which was largely loyal to Kenyatta, did not delve into this issue;{{sfn|Maloba|2017|p=236}} it was only after his death that publications appeared revealing the scale of his personal enrichment.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|pp=237–238}} Kenyan corruption and Kenyatta's role in it was better known in Britain, although many of his British friends—including McDonald and Brockway—chose to believe Kenyatta was not personally involved.{{sfn|Maloba|2017|pp=246–247, 249}}

Despite Kenyatta's shortcomings on economic policy, compared with the economic performance of the vast majority of countries in independent Africa, Kenya's economic success during Kenyatta's tenure was outstanding. During the years following its independence in December, 1963, Kenya attained such a high rate of economic growth that it came to be widely regarded as something of an economic "miracle." According to World Bank figures, Kenya's economy attained an average growth rate of 6.4 percent per year from 1965 to 1980.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last=Lofchie |first=Michael F. |date=1990-05-01 |title=Kenya |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1990.89.547.209 |journal=Current History |volume=89 |issue=547 |pages=209–212 |doi=10.1525/curh.1990.89.547.209 |issn=0011-3530}}</ref> Among the 40 or more independent countries in sub-Saharan Africa, only 3 exceeded that growth rate; Nigeria, Ivory Coast, and Botswana. Kenyatta's success can be attributed to his focus on the agricultural sector, particularly on cash crops such as tea and coffee.<ref name=":0" />