Editing Henry VIII (section)

== Government ==
The power of Tudor monarchs, including Henry, was 'whole' and 'entire', ruling, as they claimed, [[Divine right of kings|by the grace of God]] alone.{{Sfn|Guy|1997|p=78}} The crown could also rely on the exclusive use of those functions that constituted the [[royal prerogative]]. These included acts of diplomacy (including royal marriages), declarations of war, management of the coinage, the issue of royal pardons and the power to summon and dissolve Parliament as and when required.<ref name="morris2">{{Harvnb|Morris|1999|p=2}}</ref> Nevertheless, as evident during Henry's break with Rome, the monarch stayed within established limits, whether legal or financial, that forced him to work closely with both the nobility and Parliament (representing the gentry).<ref name="morris2"/>

[[File:Cardinal Thomas Wolsey.jpg|thumb|upright=0.75|Cardinal [[Thomas Wolsey]]]]
In practice, Tudor monarchs used [[patronage]] to maintain a royal court that included formal institutions such as the [[Privy Council]] as well as more informal advisers and confidants.<ref name="morris19"/> Both the rise and fall of court nobles could be swift: Henry did undoubtedly execute at will, burning or beheading two of his wives, 20 peers, four leading public servants, six close attendants and friends, one cardinal ([[John Fisher]]) and numerous abbots.<ref name="hibbert">{{Harvnb|Hibbert|Weinreb|Keay|Keay|2010|page=928}}</ref> Among those who were in favour at any given point in Henry's reign, one could usually be identified as a chief minister,<ref name="morris19">{{Harvnb|Morris|1999|pp=19–21}}</ref> though one of the enduring debates in the [[#Historiography|historiography of the period]] has been the extent to which those chief ministers controlled Henry rather than vice versa.<ref name="bandf1"/> In particular, historian [[G. R. Elton]] has argued that one such minister, Thomas Cromwell, led a "Tudor revolution in government" independently of the King, whom Elton presented as an opportunistic, essentially lazy participant in the nitty-gritty of politics. Where Henry did intervene personally in the running of the country, Elton argued, he mostly did so to its detriment.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=323}} The prominence and influence of faction in Henry's court is similarly discussed in the context of at least five episodes of Henry's reign, including the downfall of Anne Boleyn.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=407}}

From 1514 to 1529, Thomas Wolsey, a cardinal of the established Church, oversaw domestic and foreign policy for the King from his position as Lord Chancellor.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=48–49}} Wolsey centralised the national government and extended the jurisdiction of the conciliar courts, particularly the [[Star Chamber]]. The Star Chamber's overall structure remained unchanged, but Wolsey used it to provide much-needed reform of the criminal law. The power of the court itself did not outlive Wolsey, however, since no serious administrative reform was undertaken and its role eventually devolved to the localities.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=60–63}} Wolsey helped fill the gap left by Henry's declining participation in government (particularly in comparison to his father) but did so mostly by imposing himself in the King's place.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=212}} His use of these courts to pursue personal grievances, and particularly to treat delinquents as mere examples of a whole class worthy of punishment, angered the rich, who were annoyed as well by his enormous wealth and ostentatious living.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=64}} Following [[#Annulment from Catherine|Wolsey's downfall]], Henry took full control of his government, although at court numerous complex factions continued to try to ruin and destroy each other.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Wilson |first=Derek |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GOwFYSQhTDoC&pg=PA284 |title=In the Lion's Court: Power, Ambition, and Sudden Death in the Reign of Henry VIII |date=2003 |publisher=Macmillan |isbn=978-0-3123-0277-1 |pages=257–260}}</ref>

[[File:Cromwell,Thomas(1EEssex)01.jpg|thumb|upright=0.75|[[Thomas Cromwell]] in 1532 or 1533]]

Thomas Cromwell also came to define Henry's government. Returning to England from the continent in 1514 or 1515, Cromwell soon entered Wolsey's service. He turned to law, also picking up a good knowledge of the Bible, and was admitted to [[Gray's Inn]] in 1524. He became Wolsey's "man of all work".{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=168–170}} Driven in part by his religious beliefs, Cromwell attempted to reform the body politic of the English government through discussion and consent, and through the vehicle of continuity, not outward change.<ref name="Elton1977">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|p=172}}</ref> Many saw him as the man they wanted to bring about their shared aims, including Thomas Audley. By 1531, Cromwell and his associates were already responsible for the drafting of much legislation.<ref name="Elton1977"/> Cromwell's first office was that of the master of the King's jewels in 1532, from which he began to invigorate the government finances.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=174}} By that point, Cromwell's power as an efficient administrator, in a Council full of politicians, exceeded what Wolsey had achieved.<ref name="Elton1977a">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|p=213}}</ref>

Cromwell did much work through his many offices to remove the tasks of government from the Royal Household (and ideologically from the personal body of the King) and into a public state.<ref name="Elton1977a"/> But he did so in a haphazard fashion that left several remnants, not least because he needed to retain Henry's support, his own power, and the possibility of actually achieving the plan he set out.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=214}} Cromwell made the various income streams Henry VII put in place more formal and assigned largely autonomous bodies for their administration.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=214–215}} The role of the [[King's Council]] was transferred to a reformed Privy Council, much smaller and more efficient than its predecessor.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=216–217}} A difference emerged between the King's financial health and the country's, although Cromwell's fall undermined much of his bureaucracy, which required him to keep order among the many new bodies and prevent profligate spending that strained relations as well as finances.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=215–216}} Cromwell's reforms ground to a halt in 1539, the initiative lost, and he failed to secure the passage of an [[enabling act]], the [[Proclamation by the Crown Act 1539]].{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=284–286}} He was executed on 28 July 1540.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=289–292}}

=== Finances ===
[[File:Henry VIII crown 763986.jpg|thumb|Gold [[Crown (British coin)|crown]] of Henry VIII, minted {{circa|1544}}–1547. The reverse depicts the quartered arms of England and France.]]

Henry inherited a vast fortune and a prosperous economy from his father, who had been frugal. This fortune is estimated at £1,250,000 (the equivalent of £375&nbsp;million today).{{Sfn|Weir|2002|p=13}} By comparison, Henry VIII's reign was a near disaster financially. He augmented the royal treasury by seizing church lands, but his heavy spending and long periods of mismanagement damaged the economy.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=215–216,&nbsp;355–356}}

Henry spent much of his wealth on maintaining his court and household, including many of the building works he undertook on royal palaces. He hung 2,000 tapestries in his palaces; by comparison, James V of Scotland [[Scottish royal tapestry collection|hung just 200]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Thomas|2005|pp=79–80}}, citing {{Harvnb|Thurley|1993|pp=222–224}}</ref> Henry took pride in showing off his collection of weapons, which included exotic archery equipment, 2,250 pieces of land ordnance and 6,500 [[handgun]]s.{{Sfn|Davies|2005|pp=11–29}} Tudor monarchs had to fund all government expenses out of their own income. This income came from the crown lands that Henry owned as well as from customs duties like [[tonnage and poundage]], granted by Parliament to the King for life. During Henry's reign the revenues of the Crown remained constant (around £100,000),{{Sfn|Weir|2002|p=64}} but were eroded by inflation and rising prices brought about by war. Indeed, war and Henry's dynastic ambitions in Europe exhausted the surplus he had inherited from his father by the mid-1520s.

Henry VII had not involved Parliament in his affairs very much, but Henry VIII had to turn to Parliament during his reign for money, in particular for grants of subsidies to fund his wars. The dissolution of the monasteries provided a means to replenish the treasury, and as a result, the Crown took possession of monastic lands worth £120,000 (£36&nbsp;million) a year.{{Sfn|Weir|2002|p=393}} The Crown had profited by a small amount in 1526 when Wolsey put England onto a gold, rather than silver, standard, and had debased the currency slightly. Cromwell debased the currency more significantly, starting in [[Lordship of Ireland|Ireland]] in 1540. The English pound halved in value against the Flemish pound between 1540 and 1551 as a result. The nominal profit made was significant, helping to bring income and expenditure together, but it had a catastrophic effect on the country's economy. In part, it helped to bring about a period of very high inflation from 1544 onwards.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=312–314}}

=== Reformation ===
{{Main|English Reformation}}
[[File:King Henry VIII of England and Pope Clement VII.jpg|thumb|Henry VIII sitting with his feet upon [[Clement VII]], 1641]]

Henry is generally credited with initiating the English Reformation{{Snd}}the process of transforming England from a Catholic country to a Protestant one{{Snd}}though his progress at the elite and mass levels is disputed,<ref>{{Cite web |date=1997 |title=Competing Narratives: Recent Historiography of the English Reformation under Henry VIII |url=http://gregscouch.homestead.com/files/Henry8.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://archive.today/20130615214144/http://gregscouch.homestead.com/files/Henry8.html |archive-date=15 June 2013 |access-date=14 April 2013}}</ref> and the precise narrative not widely agreed upon.<ref name="elton103">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|pp=103–107}}</ref> Certainly, in 1527, Henry, until then an observant and well-informed Catholic, appealed to the Pope for an annulment of his marriage to Catherine.<ref name="elton103"/> No annulment was immediately forthcoming, since the papacy was now under the control of Charles V, Catherine's nephew.<ref name="elton110">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|pp=110–112}}</ref> The traditional narrative gives this refusal as the trigger for Henry's rejection of [[papal supremacy]], which he had previously defended. Yet as [[Llewellyn Woodward|E. L. Woodward]] put it, Henry's determination to annul his marriage with Catherine was the occasion rather than the cause of the [[English Reformation]] so that "neither too much nor too little" should be made of the annulment.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Woodward |first=Llewellyn |title=A History Of England |date=1965 |publisher=Methuen & Co Ltd |location=London |page=73}}</ref> Historian [[A. F. Pollard]] has argued that even if Henry had not needed an annulment, he might have come to reject papal control over the governance of England purely for political reasons. Indeed, Henry needed a son to secure the [[Tudor Dynasty]] and avert the risk of civil war over disputed succession.{{Sfn|Pollard|1905|pp=230–238}}

In any case, between 1532 and 1537, Henry instituted a number of statutes that dealt with the relationship between king and pope and hence the structure of the nascent [[Church of England]].{{Sfn|Bernard|2005|p=missing}} These included the [[Statute in Restraint of Appeals]] (passed 1533), which extended the charge of ''[[praemunire]]'' against all who introduced papal bulls into England, potentially exposing them to the death penalty if found guilty.<ref name="bernard71">{{Harvnb|Bernard|2005|p=71}}</ref> Other acts included the [[Supplication against the Ordinaries]] and the [[Submission of the Clergy]], which recognised Royal Supremacy over the church. The [[Ecclesiastical Appointments Act 1534]] required the clergy to elect bishops nominated by the Sovereign. The [[Act of Supremacy]] in 1534 declared that the King was "the only Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England" and the [[Treasons Act 1534]] made it high treason, punishable by death, to refuse the [[Oath of Supremacy]] acknowledging the King as such. Similarly, following the passage of the Act of Succession 1533, all adults in the kingdom were required to acknowledge the Act's provisions (declaring Henry's marriage to Anne legitimate and his marriage to Catherine illegitimate) by oath;{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=185}} those who refused were subject to imprisonment for life, and any publisher or printer of any literature alleging that the marriage to Anne was invalid subject to the death penalty.<ref name="bernard2005">{{Harvnb|Bernard|2005|pp=70–71}}</ref> Finally, the [[Act Concerning Peter's Pence and Dispensations|Peter's Pence Act]] was passed, and it reiterated that England had "no superior under God, but only your [[His Grace|Grace]]" and that Henry's "imperial crown" had been diminished by "the unreasonable and uncharitable usurpations and exactions" of the Pope.{{Sfn|Lehmberg|1970|p=missing}} The King had much support from the Church under Cranmer.{{Sfn|Bernard|2005|p=195}}

[[File:Henry VIII in Parliament.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.85|A 16th-century depiction of the [[Parliament of England|Parliament]] of King Henry VIII]]
To Cromwell's annoyance, Henry insisted on parliamentary time to discuss questions of faith, which he achieved through the Duke of Norfolk. This led to the passing of the [[Act of Six Articles]], whereby six major questions were all answered by asserting the religious orthodoxy, thus restraining the reform movement in England.<ref name="elton289"/> It was followed by the beginnings of a reformed [[liturgy]] and of the [[Book of Common Prayer]], which would take until 1549 to complete.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=291}} But this victory for religious conservatives did not convert into much change in personnel, and Cranmer remained in his position.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=297}} Overall, the rest of Henry's reign saw a subtle movement away from religious orthodoxy, helped in part by the deaths of prominent figures from before the break with Rome, especially the executions of Thomas More and John Fisher in 1535 for refusing to renounce papal authority. Henry established a new [[political theology]] of obedience to the crown that continued for the next decade. It reflected Martin Luther's new interpretation of the [[Ten commandments#Catholic and Lutheran Christianity|fourth commandment]] ("Honour thy father and mother"), brought to England by [[William Tyndale]]. The founding of royal authority on the [[Ten Commandments]] was another important shift: reformers within the Church used the Commandments' emphasis on faith and the word of God, while conservatives emphasised the need for dedication to God and doing good. The reformers' efforts lay behind the publication of the [[Great Bible]] in 1539 in English.{{Sfn|Rex|1996|pp=863–894}} Protestant Reformers still faced persecution, particularly over objections to Henry's annulment. Many fled abroad, including the influential Tyndale,{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=3177}} who was eventually executed and his body burned at Henry's behest.

When taxes once payable to Rome were transferred to the Crown, Cromwell saw the need to assess the taxable value of the Church's extensive holdings as they stood in 1535. The result was an extensive compendium, the ''[[Valor Ecclesiasticus]]''.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=232–233}} In September 1535, Cromwell commissioned a more general visitation of religious institutions, to be undertaken by four appointee visitors. The visitation focused almost exclusively on the country's religious houses, with largely negative conclusions.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=233}} In addition to reporting back to Cromwell, the visitors made the lives of the monks more difficult by enforcing strict behavioural standards. The result was to encourage self-dissolution.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=233–234}} In any case, the evidence Cromwell gathered led swiftly to the beginning of the state-enforced [[dissolution of the monasteries]], with all religious houses worth less than £200 vested by statute in the crown in January 1536.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=234–235}} After a short pause, surviving religious houses were transferred one by one to the Crown and new owners, and the dissolution confirmed by a further statute in 1539. By January 1540 no such houses remained; 800 had been dissolved. The process had been efficient, with minimal resistance, and brought the crown some £90,000 a year.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=235–236}} The extent to which the dissolution of all houses was planned from the start is debated by historians; there is some evidence that major houses were originally intended only to be reformed.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=236–237}} Cromwell's actions transferred a fifth of England's landed wealth to new hands. The programme was designed primarily to create a landed gentry beholden to the crown, which would use the lands much more efficiently.{{Sfn|Stöber|2007|p=190}} Although little opposition to the supremacy could be found in England's religious houses, they had links to the international church and were an obstacle to further religious reform.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|p=238}}

Response to the reforms was mixed. The religious houses had been the only support of the impoverished,{{Sfn|Meyer|2010|pp=254–256}} and the reforms alienated much of the populace outside London, helping to provoke the great northern rising of 1536–37, known as the Pilgrimage of Grace.{{Sfn|Meyer|2010|pp=269–272}} Elsewhere the changes were accepted and welcomed, and those who clung to Catholic rites kept quiet or moved in secrecy. They reemerged during the reign of Henry's daughter Mary (1553–58).

=== Military ===
[[File:Field Armor of King Henry VIII of England (reigned 1509–47) MET DT205963.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.75|Henry's Italian-made suit of armour, {{circa|1544}}]]
Apart from permanent garrisons at [[Berwick-upon-Tweed|Berwick]], Calais, and [[Carlisle]], England's standing army numbered only a few hundred men. This was increased only slightly by Henry.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|page=32}} Henry's invasion force of 1513, some 30,000 men, was composed of [[billmen]] and [[longbowmen]], at a time when the other European nations were moving to [[Arquebus|hand guns]] and [[pikemen]] but the difference in capability was at this stage not significant, and Henry's forces had new armour and weaponry. They were also supported by battlefield artillery and the [[war wagon]],{{Sfn|Arnold|2001|p=82}} relatively new innovations, and several large and expensive siege guns.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pages=32–33}} The invasion force of 1544 was similarly well-equipped and organised, although command on the battlefield was laid with the dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, which in the latter case produced disastrous results at Montreuil.<ref name="Elton1977b"/>

Henry's break with Rome incurred the threat of a large-scale French or Spanish invasion.<ref name="elton282">{{Harvnb|Elton|1977|page=282}}</ref> To guard against this, in 1538 he began to build a chain of expensive, state-of-the-art defences along Britain's southern and eastern coasts, from [[Kent]] to [[Cornwall]], largely built of material gained from the [[Dissolution of the Monasteries|demolition of the monasteries]].{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pages=183, 281–283}} These were known as Henry VIII's [[Device Forts]]. He also strengthened existing coastal defence fortresses such as [[Dover Castle]] and, at Dover, Moat Bulwark and [[Archcliffe Fort]], which he visited for a few months to supervise.<ref name="elton282"/> Wolsey had many years before conducted the censuses required for an overhaul of the system of [[militia]], but no reform resulted.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pages=87–88}} In 1538–39, Cromwell overhauled the [[Muster (military)|shire musters]], but his work mainly served to demonstrate how inadequate they were in organisation.<ref name="elton282"/> The building works, including that at Berwick, along with the reform of the militias and musters, were eventually finished under Queen Mary.{{Sfn|Elton|1977|page=391}}

[[File:Basire Embarkation of Henry VIII.jpg|thumb|upright=1.25|Depiction of Henry embarking at [[Dover]], c.&nbsp;1520]]
Henry is traditionally cited as one of the founders of the [[Royal Navy]].<ref name="loades83">{{Harvnb|Loades|2009|p=82}}</ref> Technologically, Henry invested in large cannon for his warships, an idea that had taken hold in other countries, to replace the smaller serpentines in use.<ref name="loades83"/> He also flirted with designing ships personally. His contribution to larger vessels, if any, is unknown, but it is believed that he influenced the design of rowbarges and similar galleys.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=82–83}} Henry was also responsible for the creation of a permanent navy, with the supporting anchorages and dockyards.<ref name="loades83"/> Tactically, Henry's reign saw the Navy move away from boarding tactics to employ gunnery instead.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=83–84}} The [[Tudor navy]] was enlarged from seven ships to up to 50<ref>J.J. Scarisbrick, ''Henry VIII'' (1968) pp. 500–501.</ref> (the ''[[Mary Rose]]'' among them), and Henry was responsible for the establishment of the "council for marine causes" to oversee the maintenance and operation of the Navy, becoming the basis for the later [[British Admiralty|Admiralty]].{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=84–85}}

=== Ireland ===
[[File:Ireland 1450.png|thumb|left|The division of Ireland in 1450]]
At the beginning of Henry's reign, Ireland was effectively divided into three zones: [[the Pale]], where English rule was unchallenged; [[Leinster]] and [[Munster]], the so-called "obedient land" of Anglo-Irish peers; and the Gaelic [[Connaught]] and [[Ulster]], with merely nominal English rule.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|p=180}} Until 1513, Henry continued the policy of his father, to allow Irish lords to rule in the King's name and accept steep divisions between the communities.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=181–182}} However, upon the death of the [[Gerald FitzGerald, 8th Earl of Kildare]], [[Lord Deputy of Ireland]], fractious Irish politics combined with a more ambitious Henry to cause trouble. When [[Thomas Butler, 7th Earl of Ormond]], died, Henry recognised one successor for Ormond's English, Welsh and Scottish lands, whilst in Ireland another took control. Kildare's successor, the [[Gerald FitzGerald, 9th Earl of Kildare|9th Earl]], was replaced as Lord Deputy of Ireland by the [[Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk|Earl of Surrey]] in 1520.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=183–184}} Surrey's ambitious aims were costly but ineffective; English rule became trapped between winning the Irish lords over with diplomacy, as favoured by Henry and Wolsey, and a sweeping military occupation as proposed by Surrey.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=181–185}} Surrey was recalled in 1521, with [[Piers Butler]] – one of the claimants to the Earldom of Ormond – appointed in his place. Butler proved unable to control opposition, including that of Kildare. Kildare was appointed lord deputy in 1524, resuming his dispute with Butler, which had before been in a lull. Meanwhile, [[James FitzGerald, 10th Earl of Desmond]], an Anglo-Irish peer, had turned his support to [[Richard de la Pole]] as pretender to the English throne; when in 1528 Kildare failed to take suitable actions against him, Kildare was once again removed from his post.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=185–186}}

The Desmond situation was resolved on his death in 1529, which was followed by a period of uncertainty. This was effectively ended with the appointment of [[Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset]] and the King's son, as lord deputy. Richmond had never before visited Ireland, his appointment a break with past policy.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=186–187}}{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=206–207}} For a time it looked as if peace might be restored with the return of Kildare to Ireland to manage the tribes, but the effect was limited and the [[Parliament of Ireland|Irish Parliament]] soon rendered ineffective.<ref name="loades187">{{Harvnb|Loades|2009|p=187}}</ref> Ireland began to receive the attention of Cromwell, who had supporters of Ormond and Desmond promoted. Kildare, on the other hand, was summoned to London; after some hesitation, he departed for London in 1534, where he would face charges of treason.<ref name="loades187"/> His son, [[Thomas FitzGerald, 10th Earl of Kildare|Thomas, Lord Offaly]], was more forthright, denouncing the King and leading a "Catholic crusade" against Henry, who was by this time mired in marital problems. Offaly had the Archbishop of Dublin, [[John Alen]], murdered and besieged Dublin. Offaly led a mixture of Pale gentry and Irish tribes, although he failed to secure the support of [[Thomas Darcy, 1st Baron Darcy de Darcy|Lord Darcy]], a sympathiser, or Charles V. What was effectively a civil war was ended with the intervention of 2,000 English troops – a large army by Irish standards – and the execution of Offaly (his father was already dead) and his uncles.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=187–189}}{{Sfn|Elton|1977|pp=207–208}}

Although the Offaly revolt was followed by a determination to rule Ireland more closely, Henry was wary of drawn-out conflict with the tribes, and a royal commission recommended that the only relationship with the tribes was to be promises of peace, their land protected from English expansion. The man to lead this effort was [[Anthony St Leger (Lord Deputy of Ireland)|Antony St Leger]], as Lord Deputy of Ireland, who would remain in post past Henry's death.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|p=191}} Until the break with Rome, it was widely believed that Ireland was a Papal possession granted as a mere [[fiefdom]] to the English king, so in 1542 Henry asserted England's claim to the [[Kingdom of Ireland]] free from the Papal [[Lord|overlordship]]. This change did, however, also allow a policy of peaceful reconciliation and expansion: the Lords of Ireland would grant their lands to the King, before being returned as fiefdoms. The incentive to comply with Henry's request was an accompanying barony, and thus a right to sit in the [[Irish House of Lords]], which was to run in parallel with England's.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=191–192}} The Irish law of the tribes did not suit such an arrangement, because the chieftain did not have the required rights; this made progress tortuous, and the plan was abandoned in 1543, not to be replaced.{{Sfn|Loades|2009|pp=194–195}}