Editing French Revolution (section)

==Role of ideology ==
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The role of ideology in the Revolution is controversial with [[Jonathan Israel]] stating that the "radical Enlightenment" was the primary driving force of the Revolution.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|p=695}} Cobban, however, argues "[t]he actions of the revolutionaries were most often prescribed by the need to find practical solutions to immediate problems, using the resources at hand, not by pre-conceived theories."{{Sfn|Cobban|1963|p=152}}

The identification of ideologies is complicated by the profusion of revolutionary clubs, factions and publications, absence of formal political parties, and individual flexibility in the face of changing circumstances.{{Sfn|Walton|2013|pp=363–364,368}} In addition, although the Declaration of the Rights of Man was a fundamental document for all revolutionary factions, its interpretation varied widely.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|p=13}}

While all revolutionaries professed their devotion to liberty in principle, "it appeared to mean whatever those in power wanted."{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=420}} For example, the liberties specified in the Rights of Man were limited by law when they might "cause harm to others, or be abused". Prior to 1792, Jacobins and others frequently opposed press restrictions on the grounds these violated a basic right.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|pp=206–208, 233}} However, the radical National Convention passed laws in September 1793 and July 1794 imposing the death penalty for offences such as "disparaging the National Convention", and "misleading public opinion."{{Sfn|Walton|2013|pp=377}}

While revolutionaries also endorsed the principle of equality, few advocated equality of wealth since property was also viewed as a right.{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|p=421}} The National Assembly opposed equal political rights for women,{{Sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=421–422}} while the abolition of slavery in the colonies was delayed until February 1794 because it conflicted with the property rights of slave owners, and many feared it would disrupt trade.{{Sfn|Régent|2013|pp=398, 405–406}} Political equality for male citizens was another divisive issue, with the 1791 constitution limiting the right to vote and stand for office to males over 25 who met a property qualification, so-called "active citizens". This restriction was opposed by many activists, including Robespierre, the Jacobins, and Cordeliers.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|pp=106, 148, 254}}

The principle that sovereignty resided in the nation was a key concept of the Revolution.{{Sfn|Cobban|1963|pp=165–166}} However, Israel argues this obscures ideological differences over whether the will of the nation was best expressed through representative assemblies and constitutions, or direct action by revolutionary crowds, and popular assemblies such as the sections of the Paris commune.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|pp=24, 54, 66, 160, 177}} Many considered constitutional monarchy as incompatible with the principle of popular sovereignty,{{Sfn|Israel|2014|pp=142–143,166,204–295}} but prior to 1792, there was a strong bloc with an ideological commitment to such a system, based on the writings of [[Thomas Hobbes]], [[John Locke]], [[Montesquieu]] and Voltaire.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|pp=16–19, 175, 209, 351}}

Israel argues the nationalisation of church property and the establishment of the Constitutional Church reflected an ideological commitment to secularism, and a determination to undermine a bastion of old regime privilege.{{Sfn|Israel|2014|pp=180–181}} While Cobban agrees the Constitutional Church was motivated by ideology, he sees its origins in the anti-clericalism of Voltaire and other Enlightenment figures.{{Sfn|Cobban|1963|p=173}}

Jacobins were hostile to formal political parties and factions which they saw as a threat to national unity and the general will, with "political virtue" and "love of country" key elements of their ideology.{{Sfn|Walton|2013|p=362}}{{Sfn|Linton|2013|p=267}} They viewed the ideal revolutionary as selfless, sincere, free of political ambition, and devoted to the nation.{{Sfn|Linton|2013|pp=264–265}} The disputes leading to the departure first of the ''Feuillants'', then later the ''Girondists'', were conducted in terms of the relative political virtue and patriotism of the disputants. In December 1793, all members of the Jacobin clubs were subject to a "purifying scrutiny", to determine whether they were "men of virtue".{{Sfn|Linton|2013|p=274}}