Editing Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre (section)

==Legacy==
Haya de la Torre corresponds to one of the most particular, evolutionary and complex ideological processes in the history of Peru. The set of his writings, pronouncements and positions make him a heterogeneous and even contradictory character, his message has lent itself to different and diverse interpretations. According to general Aprista concepts, Haya applied historical materialism to the revision of the history and objective conditions of Latin America, deducing from it an original theory of political action to lead these societies towards socialism; on the theoretical level, his thought, although close to [[Marxism]] at first, will turn out to be different and still contrary to [[Leninism]] regarding socialist strategy in colonial or peripheral societies.

Haya postulates that [[imperialism]] is the highest expression of [[capitalism]], which is, in turn, the mode of economic production superior to everything the world knew. By virtue of which, he concludes that capitalism is an inevitable phase in the process of contemporary civilization. Capitalism, according to Haya, will not be eternal and has contradictions within itself that will finally end it, but for that to happen, it must evolve completely, that is, exist and mature. He emphasized that the proletariat of the less-developed [[Latin American]] countries is too young to make the great revolution that surpasses capitalism.

He goes on to indicate that imperialism is the last phase of capitalism in developed countries, but in underdeveloped countries, such as [[Peru]], it is the first phase. In these countries, it is not a stage of advanced industrialization but rather of exploitation of raw materials, because it is the type of production that the developed world from which the imperialist capitals come from is interested in doing there; not the citizens of these countries. For this reason, he says, its initial development is slow and incomplete. In this way, America's problem is political: how to emancipate yourself from the yoke of imperialism without delaying its progress. As long as it is America and not Europe, as long as it came to capitalism through imperialism, it has to adopt an aptitude for dealing with the problem that is its own.

Haya estimates that it will be the three classes oppressed by imperialism that will advance this stage of society: the young industrial proletariat, the peasantry and the impoverished middle classes. With the alliance of these classes in power, the State will no longer be an instrument of imperialism but a defender of the classes it represents. Thus, they will take from the developed countries what interests them and negotiate with them as equals, not subject, because they need each other. Based on this stance, Haya advocated a system of Latin American (or, to use his preferred term, ''Indo-American)'' solutions to Latin American problems. He called upon the region to reject both [[American imperialism|U.S. imperialism]] and Soviet [[communism]].
With an [[Pan-Americanism|Americanist]] vision of doing politics, he believed in what he called "Indoamerica" had to be integrated and fight together to advance. That is why his party has a name that includes the concept of an American alliance. In short, he says that the anti-imperialist resistance in America must be created and given a form of a political organization. This is what Haya considers APRA to be.

Currently, the reinterpretations and analysis of "Hayism" from inside and outside the [[Peruvian Aprista Party]] are increasing. Obviously, the most outstanding recent work on the matter corresponds to the authorship of Haya's successor and former president, [[Alan García]]. García published ''The Constructive Revolution of Aprismo: Theory and Practice of Modernity'' (Lima, 2008); the work outlines an ideological history of the APRA with a view to explaining the current perspective of Aprismo of his time and its governmental expression. The work aims to show a concurrent Haya with a process of intellectual and political maturation; he further explains that during the period 1970–1990, the Apra "turned out to be more ideologically propelled by [[Juan Velasco Alvarado]]'s legacy than Hayista."<ref name="larepublica1">{{Cite web |title=Diario la República - Online |url=http://www.larepublica.com.pe/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=212191&Itemid=0 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080330221518/http://www.larepublica.com.pe/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=212191&Itemid=0 |archive-date=March 30, 2008 |access-date=May 29, 2020}}</ref> García says that his party made a mistake in interpreting the military revolution as the "accomplishment of what the APRA had proposed since 1931. "which would have led them to" adopt as their own nationalizations, the collectivist model in agriculture and the state management of trade in many services and goods ", which were concepts" totally alien to the ideology of Haya and his work dialectically".{{citation needed|date=November 2022}} García's thesis has been contested, or at least disputed, by various Peruvian historians, such as Hugo Neira,<ref name="larepublica1" /> Sinesio López,{{citation needed|date=November 2022}} Nelson Manrique<ref>{{Cite web |title=Perú 21 |url=http://www.peru21.com/comunidad/columnistas/Html/2008-04-07/manrique0876545.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080602041035/http://www.peru21.com/comunidad/columnistas/Html/2008-04-07/manrique0876545.html |archive-date=June 2, 2008 |access-date=May 29, 2020}}</ref> and Martín Tanaka.