Editing Spiro Agnew (section)

==Vice presidency (1969–1973)==

=== Transition and early days ===
{{see also|Presidential transition of Richard Nixon}}
[[File:Johnson, Nixon, Agnew, Humphrey.jpg|thumb|Spiro Agnew is sworn in as vice president in 1969. Front row, from left to right: [[Lyndon B. Johnson]], [[Richard Nixon]], [[Everett Dirksen]], Spiro Agnew (with hand raised), [[Hubert Humphrey]].]]
Immediately after the 1968 election, Agnew was still uncertain what Nixon would expect of him as vice president.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p=89}} He met with Nixon several days after the election in [[Key Biscayne, Florida]]. Nixon, vice president himself for eight years under Eisenhower, wanted to spare Agnew the boredom and lack of a role he had sometimes experienced in that office.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p=89}} Nixon initially gave Agnew an office in the West Wing of the White House, a first for a vice president, although in December 1969 it was given to deputy assistant [[Alexander Butterfield]] and Agnew had to move to an office in the [[Eisenhower Executive Office Building|Executive Office Building]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Woodward |first1=Bob |title=The Last of the President's Men |date=2016 |publisher=Simon & Schuster |location=New York |isbn=978-1501116452 |page=63}}</ref> When they stood before the press after the meeting, Nixon pledged that Agnew would not have to undertake the ceremonial roles usually undertaken by the holders of the vice presidency, but would have "new duties beyond what any vice president has previously assumed".{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p=89}} Nixon told the press that he planned to make full use of Agnew's experience as county executive and as governor in dealing with matters of federal-state relations and in urban affairs.{{sfn|Witcover|1972|pp=284–285}}

Nixon established transition headquarters in New York, but Agnew was not invited to meet with him there until November 27, when the two met for an hour. When Agnew spoke to reporters afterwards, he stated that he felt "exhilarated" with his new responsibilities, but did not explain what those were. During the transition period, Agnew traveled extensively, enjoying his new status. He vacationed on [[St. Croix]], where he played a round of golf with Humphrey and Muskie. He went to Memphis for the [[1968 Liberty Bowl]], and to New York to attend the wedding of Nixon's daughter [[Julie Nixon Eisenhower|Julie]] to [[David Eisenhower]]. Agnew was a fan of the Baltimore Colts; in January, he was the guest of team owner [[Carroll Rosenbloom]] at [[Super Bowl III]], and watched [[Joe Namath]] and the [[History of the New York Jets#Super Bowl III|New York Jets]] upset the Colts, 16–7. There was as yet no official residence for the vice president, and Spiro and Judy Agnew secured a suite at the [[The St. Regis Washington, D.C.|Sheraton Hotel]] in Washington formerly occupied by [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Johnson]] while vice president. Only one of their children, Kim, the youngest daughter, moved there with them, the others remaining in Maryland.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 89–91}}

During the transition, Agnew hired a staff, choosing several aides who had worked with him as county executive and as governor. He hired [[Charles Stanley Blair]] as chief of staff; Blair had been a member of the House of Delegates and served as Maryland Secretary of State under Agnew. [[Arthur Sohmer]], Agnew's long-time campaign manager, became his political advisor, and [[Herb Thompson]], a former journalist, became press secretary.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p= 92}}

Agnew was sworn in along with Nixon on January 20, 1969; as was customary, he sat down immediately after being sworn in, and did not make a speech.{{sfn|Witcover|1972|p=283}} Soon after the inauguration, Nixon appointed Agnew as head of the [[White House Office of Intergovernmental Affairs|Office of Intergovernmental Relations]], to head government commissions such as the [[National Space Council]] and assigned him to work with state governors to bring down crime. It became clear that Agnew would not be in the inner circle of advisors. The new president preferred to deal directly with only a trusted handful, and was annoyed when Agnew tried to call him about matters Nixon deemed trivial. After Agnew shared his opinions on a foreign policy matter in a cabinet meeting, an angry Nixon sent [[Bob Haldeman]] to warn Agnew to keep his opinions to himself. Nixon complained that Agnew had no idea how the vice presidency worked, but did not meet with Agnew to share his own experience of the office. [[Herb Klein (journalist)|Herb Klein]], director of communications in the Nixon White House, later wrote that Agnew had allowed himself to be pushed around by senior aides such as Haldeman and John Mitchell, and that Nixon's "inconsistent" treatment of Agnew had left the vice president exposed.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 93–94}}{{sfn|Witcover|2007|pp= 55–57}}

Agnew's pride had been stung by the negative news coverage of him during the campaign, and he sought to bolster his reputation by assiduous performance of his duties. It had become usual for the vice president to preside over the Senate only if he might be needed to break a tie, but Agnew opened every session for the first two months of his term, and spent more time presiding, in his first year, than any vice president since [[Alben Barkley]], who held that role under [[Harry S. Truman]]. The first postwar vice president not to have previously been a senator, he took lessons in Senate procedures from [[Parliamentarian of the United States Senate|the Parliamentarian]] and from a Republican committee staffer. He lunched with small groups of senators, and was initially successful in building good relations.{{sfn|Witcover|1972|pp=285–286}} Although silenced on foreign policy matters, he attended White House staff meetings and spoke on urban affairs; when Nixon was present, he often presented the perspective of the governors. Agnew earned praise from the other members when he presided over a meeting of the White House Domestic Council in Nixon's absence but, like Nixon during Eisenhower's illnesses, did not sit in the president's chair. Nevertheless, many of the commission assignments Nixon gave Agnew were [[sinecure]]s, with the vice president only formally the head.{{sfn|Witcover|2007|pp= 58–59}}

=== "Nixon's Nixon": attacking the left ===
The public image of Agnew as an uncompromising critic of the violent protests that had marked 1968 persisted into his vice presidency. At first, he tried to take a more conciliatory tone, in line with Nixon's own speeches after taking office. Still, he urged a firm line against violence,{{sfn|Witcover|2007|p=64}} stating in a speech in Honolulu on May 2, 1969, that "we have a new breed of self-appointed vigilantes arising—the counterdemonstrators—taking the law into their own hands because officials fail to call law enforcement authorities. We have a vast faceless majority of the American public in quiet fury over the situation—''and with good reason''."{{sfn|Coyne|1972|p= 207}}

On October 14, 1969, the day before the anti-war [[Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam|Moratorium]], North Vietnamese premier [[Pham Van Dong]] released a letter supporting demonstrations in the United States. Nixon resented this, but on the advice of his aides, thought it best to say nothing, and instead had Agnew give a press conference at the White House, calling upon the Moratorium protesters to disavow the support of the North Vietnamese. Agnew handled the task well, and Nixon tasked Agnew with attacking the Democrats generally, while remaining above the fray himself. This was analogous to the role Nixon had performed as vice president in the Eisenhower White House; thus Agnew was dubbed "Nixon's Nixon". Agnew had finally found a role in the Nixon administration, one he enjoyed.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 95–96}}

Nixon had Agnew deliver a series of speeches attacking their political opponents. In New Orleans on October 19, Agnew blamed liberal elites for condoning violence by demonstrators: "a spirit of national masochism prevails, encouraged by an effete corps of impudent snobs who characterize themselves as intellectuals".{{sfn|Levy|2013|p=719}} The following day, in [[Jackson, Mississippi]], Agnew told a Republican dinner,{{sfn|Coyne|1972|p= 176}} "for too long the South has been the punching bag for those who characterize themselves as liberal intellectuals{{sfn|Levy|2013|p=720}}&nbsp;... their course is a course that will ultimately weaken and erode the very fiber of America."{{sfn|Coyne|1972|p= 255}} Denying Republicans had a [[Southern Strategy]], Agnew stressed that the administration and Southern whites had much in common, including the disapproval of the elites. Levy argued that such remarks were designed to attract Southern whites to the Republican Party to help secure the re-election of Nixon and Agnew in 1972, and that Agnew's rhetoric "could have served as the blueprint for the culture wars of the next twenty-to-thirty years, including the claim that Democrats were soft on crime, unpatriotic, and favored flag burning rather than flag waving".{{sfn|Levy|2013|pp=719–720}} The attendees at the speeches were enthusiastic, but other Republicans, especially from the cities, complained to the [[Republican National Committee]] that Agnew's attacks were overbroad.{{sfn|Witcover|1972|pp=306–307}}

In the wake of these remarks, Nixon delivered his [[Silent Majority]] speech on November 3, 1969, calling on "the great silent majority of my fellow Americans" to support the administration's policy in Vietnam.{{sfn|Levy|2013|p=721}} The speech was well received by the public, but less so by the press, who strongly attacked Nixon's allegations that only a minority of Americans opposed the war. Nixon speechwriter Pat Buchanan penned a speech in response, to be delivered by Agnew on November 13 in [[Des Moines, Iowa]]. The White House worked to assure the maximum exposure for Agnew's speech, and the networks covered it live, making it a nationwide address, a rarity for vice presidents.{{sfn|Levy|2013|pp=722–723}} According to Witcover, "Agnew made the most of it".{{sfn|Witcover|1972|p=311}}

Historically, the press had enjoyed considerable prestige and respect to that point, though some Republicans complained of bias.{{sfn|Levy|2013|p=728}} But in his Des Moines speech, Agnew attacked the media, complaining that immediately after Nixon's speech, "his words and policies were subjected to instant analysis and querulous criticism&nbsp;... by a small band of network commentators and self-appointed analysts, the majority of whom expressed in one way or another their hostility to what he had to say&nbsp;... It was obvious that their minds were made up in advance."{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p=100}} Agnew continued, "I am asking whether a form of censorship already exists when the news that forty million Americans receive each night is determined by a handful of men&nbsp;... and filtered through a handful of commentators who admit their own set of biases".{{sfn|Witcover|1972|pp=313–314}}

Agnew thus put into words feelings that many Republicans and conservatives had long felt about the news media.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p=100}} Television network executives and commentators responded with outrage. [[Julian Goodman]], president of [[NBC]], stated that Agnew had made an "appeal to prejudice&nbsp;... it is regrettable that the Vice President of the United States should deny to TV freedom of the press".{{sfn|Witcover|1972|p=314}} [[Frank Stanton (executive)|Frank Stanton]], head of [[CBS]], accused Agnew of trying to intimidate the news media, and his news anchor, [[Walter Cronkite]], agreed.{{sfn|Levy|2013|p=724}} The speech was praised by conservatives from both parties, and gave Agnew a following among the right.{{sfn|Levy|2013|pp=725–726}} Agnew deemed the Des Moines speech one of his finest moments.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p= 101}}

On November 20 in [[Montgomery, Alabama]], Agnew reinforced his earlier speech with an attack on ''The New York Times'' and ''The Washington Post'', again originated by Buchanan. Both papers had enthusiastically endorsed Agnew's candidacy for governor in 1966 but had castigated him as unfit for the vice presidency two years later. The ''Post'' in particular had been hostile to Nixon since the [[Alger Hiss|Hiss]] case in the 1940s. Agnew accused the papers of sharing a narrow viewpoint alien to most Americans.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 103–104}} Agnew alleged that the newspapers were trying to circumscribe his First Amendment right to speak of what he believed, while demanding unfettered freedom for themselves, and warned, "the day when the network commentators and even the gentlemen of ''The New York Times'' enjoyed a form of diplomatic immunity from comment and criticism of what they said is over."{{sfn|Coyne|1972|pp=274–275}}

After Montgomery, Nixon sought a détente with the media, and Agnew's attacks ended. Agnew's approval rating soared to 64 percent in late November, and the ''Times'' called him "a formidable political asset" to the administration.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=105–106}} The speeches gave Agnew a power base among conservatives, and boosted his presidential chances for the 1976 election.{{sfn|Levy|2013|p=731}}

=== 1970: Protesters and midterm elections ===
Agnew's attacks on the administration's opponents, and the flair with which he made his addresses, made him popular as a speaker at Republican fundraising events. He traveled over {{convert|25000|mi}} on behalf of the Republican National Committee in early 1970,{{Sfn|Wepman|2001}}{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p= 113}} speaking at a number of [[Lincoln Day]] events, and supplanted Reagan as the party's leading fundraiser.{{sfn|Witcover|1972|p=327}} Agnew's involvement had Nixon's strong support. In his Chicago speech, the vice president attacked "supercilious sophisticates", while in Atlanta, he promised to continue speaking out lest he break faith with "the Silent Majority, the everyday law-abiding American who believes his country needs a strong voice to articulate his dissatisfaction with those who seek to destroy our heritage of liberty and our system of justice".{{sfn|Witcover|2007|p=90}}

Agnew continued to try to increase his influence with Nixon, against the opposition of Haldeman, who was consolidating his power as the second most powerful person in the administration.{{sfn|Witcover|2007|p=91}} Agnew was successful in being heard at an April 22, 1970, meeting of the [[United States National Security Council|National Security Council]]. An impediment to Nixon's plan for [[Vietnamization]] of the war in Southeast Asia was increasing [[Viet Cong]] control of parts of Cambodia, beyond the reach of South Vietnamese troops and used as sanctuaries. Feeling that Nixon was getting overly dovish advice from Secretary of State [[William P. Rogers]] and Secretary of Defense [[Melvin Laird]], Agnew stated that if the sanctuaries were a threat, they should be attacked and neutralized. Nixon chose to attack the Viet Cong positions in Cambodia, a decision that had Agnew's support, and that he remained convinced was correct after his resignation.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 109–110}}

The continuing student protests against the war brought Agnew's scorn. In a speech on April 28 in Hollywood, Florida, Agnew stated that responsibility of the unrest lay with those who failed to guide them, and suggested that the alumni of [[Yale University]] fire its president, [[Kingman Brewster]].{{sfn|Coyne|1972|p= 177}}{{sfn|Witcover|1972|pp=331–332}} The Cambodia incursion brought more demonstrations on campus, and on May 3, Agnew went on ''[[Face the Nation]]'' to defend the policy. Reminded that Nixon, in his inaugural address, had called for the lowering of voices in political discourse, Agnew commented, "When a fire takes place, a man doesn't run into the room and whisper&nbsp;... he yells, 'Fire!' and I am yelling 'Fire!' because I think 'Fire!' needs to be called here".{{sfn|Witcover|1972|p=335}} The [[Kent State shootings]] took place the following day, but Agnew did not tone down his attacks on demonstrators, alleging that he was responding to "a general malaise that argues for violent confrontation instead of debate".{{sfn|Witcover|2007|p=95}} Nixon had Haldeman tell Agnew to avoid remarks about students; Agnew strongly disagreed and stated that he would only refrain if Nixon directly ordered it.{{sfn|Witcover|2007|p=97}}

Nixon's agenda had been impeded by the fact that Congress was controlled by Democrats and he hoped to take control of the Senate in the 1970 midterm elections.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p=113}} Worried that Agnew was too divisive a figure, Nixon and his aides initially planned to restrict Agnew's role to fundraising and the giving of a standard stump speech that would avoid personal attacks.{{sfn|Witcover|2007|p=106}} The president believed that appealing to white, middle- and lower-class voters on social issues would lead to Republican victories in November. He planned not to do any active campaigning, but to remain above the fray and let Agnew campaign as spokesman for the Silent Majority.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 114–115}}

On September 10 in [[Springfield, Illinois]], speaking on behalf of Republican Senator [[Ralph Tyler Smith|Ralph Smith]], Agnew began his campaign, which would be noted for harsh rhetoric and memorable phrases. Agnew attacked the "pusillanimous pussyfooting" of the liberals, including those in Congress, who Agnew said cared nothing for the blue- and white-collar workers, the "Forgotten Man of American politics".{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 116–117}} Addressing the California Republican Convention in San Diego, Agnew targeted "the nattering [[nabob]]s of negativism. They have formed their own [[4-H Club]]—the 'Hopeless, Hysterical, Hypochondriacs of History'."{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 118–119}}<ref>{{cite magazine |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,985217,00.html |author=Lance Morrow |title=Naysayer to the nattering nabobs |magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] |date=September 30, 1996 |access-date=October 11, 2017 |archive-date=December 1, 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131201131858/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0%2C9171%2C985217%2C00.html |url-status=live }}{{subscription required}}</ref> He warned that candidates of any party who espoused radical views should be voted out, a reference to New York Senator [[Charles Goodell]], who was on the ballot that November, and who opposed the Vietnam War.{{sfn|Witcover|1972|pp=356, 362–363}} Believing that the strategy was working, Nixon met with Agnew at the White House on September 24, and urged him to continue.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=120–121}}

Nixon wanted to get rid of Goodell, a Republican who had been appointed by Governor Rockefeller after the [[assassination of Robert F. Kennedy]], and who had shifted considerably to the left while in office. Goodell could be sacrificed as there was a [[Conservative Party of New York State|Conservative Party]] candidate, [[James L. Buckley|James Buckley]], who might win the seat. Nixon did not want to be seen as engineering the defeat of a fellow Republican, and did not have Agnew go to New York until after Nixon left on a European trip, hoping Agnew would be perceived as acting on his own. After dueling long-distance with Goodell over the report of the [[Scranton Commission]] on campus violence (Agnew considered it too permissive), Agnew gave a speech in New York in which, without naming names, he made it clear he supported Buckley. That Nixon was behind the machinations did not remain secret long, as both Agnew and Nixon adviser [[Murray Chotiner]] disclosed it; Goodell stated he still believed he had Nixon's support.{{sfn|Witcover|2007|pp= 117–120}} Although it was by then deemed unlikely the Republicans could gain control of the Senate, both Nixon and Agnew went on the campaign trail for the final days before the election. The outcome was disappointing: Republicans gained only two seats in the Senate, and lost eleven governorships. For Agnew, one bright spot was Goodell's defeat by Buckley in New York, but he was disappointed when his former chief of staff, [[Charles Stanley Blair | Charles Blair]], failed to unseat Governor [[Marvin Mandel]], Agnew's successor and a Democrat, in Maryland.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=120–121}}

=== Re-election in 1972 ===
Through 1971, it was uncertain if Agnew would be retained on the ticket as Nixon sought a second term in 1972. Neither Nixon nor his aides were enamored of Agnew's independence and outspokenness, and were less than happy at Agnew's popularity among conservatives suspicious of Nixon. The President considered replacing him with Treasury Secretary [[John Connally]], a Democrat and former [[Governor of Texas]]. For his part, Agnew was unhappy with many of Nixon's stances, especially in foreign policy, disliking Nixon's rapprochement with China (on which Agnew was not consulted) and believing that the Vietnam War could be won with sufficient force. Even after Nixon announced his re-election bid at the start of 1972, it was unclear if Agnew would be his running mate, and it was not until July 21 that Nixon asked Agnew and the vice president accepted. A public announcement was made the following day.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 127–131, 140}}

[[File:Spiro Agnew Congratulates Launch Control After Launch of Apollo 17 - GPN-2002-000058.jpg|thumb|left|alt=Agnew, standing, speaks into a microphone as others seated in the row of spectators nearby look on.|Spiro Agnew congratulates launch control after the launch of [[Apollo 17]] in 1972]]
Nixon instructed Agnew to avoid personal attacks on the press and the Democratic presidential nominee, South Dakota Senator [[George McGovern]], to stress the positives of the Nixon administration, and not to comment on what might happen in 1976. At the [[1972 Republican National Convention]] in Miami Beach, Agnew was greeted as a hero by delegates who saw him as the party's future. After being nominated for a second term, Agnew delivered an acceptance speech focused on the administration's accomplishments, and avoided his usual slashing invective, but he condemned McGovern for supporting [[busing]], and alleged that McGovern, if elected, would beg the North Vietnamese for the return of American prisoners of war. The [[Watergate]] break-in was a minor issue in the campaign; for once, Agnew's exclusion from Nixon's inner circle worked in his favor, as he knew nothing of the matter until reading of it in the press, and upon learning from [[Jeb Magruder]] that administration officials were responsible for the break-in, cut off discussion of the matter. He viewed the break-in as foolish, and felt that both major parties routinely spied on each other.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 138–139}} Nixon had instructed Agnew not to attack McGovern's initial running mate, Missouri Senator [[Thomas Eagleton]], and after Eagleton withdrew amid revelations concerning past mental health treatment, Nixon renewed those instructions for former ambassador [[Sargent Shriver]], who had become the new candidate for vice president.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 141–143}}

Nixon took the high road in the campaign, but still wanted McGovern attacked for his positions, and the task fell in part to Agnew. The vice president told the press he was anxious to discard the image he had earned as a partisan campaigner in 1968 and 1970, and wanted to be perceived as conciliatory. He defended Nixon on Watergate, and when McGovern alleged that the Nixon administration was the most corrupt in history, made a speech in South Dakota, describing McGovern as a "desperate candidate who can't seem to understand that the American people don't want a philosophy of defeat and self-hate put upon them".{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=141–144}}

The race was never close, as the McGovern/Shriver ticket's campaign was effectively over before it even began. The Nixon/Agnew ticket easily won reelection, winning 49 states (losing only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia) and over 60 percent of the vote. Trying to position himself as the front-runner for 1976, Agnew campaigned widely for Republican candidates, something Nixon would not do. Despite Agnew's efforts, Democrats easily held both houses of Congress, gaining two seats in the Senate, though the Republicans gained twelve in the House.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=144–146}}

===Criminal investigation and resignation===
{{external media| float = right| video1 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?178436-1/30th-anniversary-spiro-agnew-resignation Presentation by George Beall on the 30th anniversary of the Agnew resignation, September 30, 2003], [[C-SPAN]]|video2 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?456867-1/qa-ron-liebman-tim-baker ''Q&A'' interview with then-Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ron Liebman and Tim Baker on their experiences prosecuting Agnew, February 3, 2019], [[C-SPAN]]}}
In early 1972, [[George Beall (attorney)|George Beall]], the United States Attorney for the District of Maryland, opened an investigation of corruption in Baltimore County, involving public officials, architects, engineering firms, and paving contractors.<ref name="Sandomir">{{cite news|last1=Sandomir|first1=Richard|title=George Beall, Prosecutor Who Brought Down Agnew, Dies at 79|url=https://nyti.ms/2jAYxBH|access-date=September 7, 2017|newspaper=The New York Times|date=January 18, 2017|author-link=Richard Sandomir|archive-date=December 16, 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191216170638/https://nyti.ms/2jAYxBH|url-status=live}}</ref> Beall's target was the then-current political leadership in Baltimore County.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=15}} There were rumors that Agnew might be involved, which Beall initially discounted; Agnew had not been county executive since December 1966, so any wrongdoing potentially committed while he held that office could not be prosecuted because the [[statute of limitations]] had expired. As part of the investigation, Lester Matz's engineering firm was served with a [[subpoena duces tecum|subpoena for documents]], and through his counsel he sought immunity in exchange for cooperation in the investigation. Matz had been kicking back to Agnew five percent of the value of contracts received through his influence, first county contracts during his term in Towson, and subsequently state contracts while Agnew was governor.<ref name="Sandomir"/>{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=6}}

Investigative reporters and Democratic operatives had pursued rumors that Agnew had been corrupt during his years as a Maryland official, but had been unable to substantiate them.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp=155–156}} In February 1973, Agnew heard of the investigation and had Attorney General [[Richard Kleindienst]] contact Beall.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=53}} The vice president's personal attorney, George White, visited Beall, who stated that Agnew was not under investigation, and that prosecutors would do their best to protect Agnew's name.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|p=127}} In June, Matz's attorney disclosed to Beall that his client could show that Agnew not only had been corrupt, but that payments to him had continued into his vice presidency. The statute of limitations would not prevent Agnew from being prosecuted for these later payments.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|pp=80–91}} On July 3, Beall informed the new Attorney General, [[Elliot Richardson]]. At the end of the month Nixon, through his [[White House Chief of Staff|chief of staff]], [[Alexander Haig]], was informed. Agnew had already met with both Nixon and Haig to assert his innocence. On August 1, Beall sent a letter to Agnew's attorney, formally advising that the vice president was under investigation for tax fraud and corruption.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|pp=127–128}} Matz was prepared to testify that he had met with Agnew at the White House and given him $10,000 in cash{{sfn|Coffey|2015|p= 161}} Another witness, Jerome B. Wolff, head of Maryland's road commission, had extensive documentation that detailed, as Beall put it, "every corrupt payment he participated in with then-Governor Agnew".<ref name="Sandomir"/>

Richardson, whom Nixon had ordered to take personal responsibility for the investigation, met with Agnew and his attorneys on August 6 to outline the case, but Agnew denied culpability, saying the selection of Matz's firm had been routine, and the money was a campaign contribution. The story broke in ''[[The Wall Street Journal]]'' later that day.{{sfn|Coffey|2015|pp= 164–166}} Agnew publicly proclaimed his innocence and on August 8 held a press conference at which he called the stories "damned lies".{{sfn|Feerick|2014|p=128}} Nixon, at a meeting on August 7, assured Agnew of his complete confidence, but Haig visited Agnew at his office and suggested that if the charges could be sustained, Agnew might want to take action before being indicted. By this time, the Watergate investigation that would lead to Nixon's resignation was well advanced. For the next two months, fresh revelations in each scandal were almost daily fare in the newspapers.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|p=128}}

Under increasing pressure to resign, Agnew took the position that a sitting vice president could not be indicted and met with Speaker of the House [[Carl Albert]] on September 25, asking for an investigation. He cited as precedent an 1826 House investigation of Vice President [[John C. Calhoun]], who was alleged to have taken improper payments while a cabinet member. Albert, second in line to the presidency under Agnew, responded that it would be improper for the House to act in a matter before the courts.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|pp=253–257}} Agnew also filed a motion to block any indictment on the grounds that he had been prejudiced by improper leaks from the Justice Department, and tried to rally public opinion, giving a speech before a friendly audience in Los Angeles asserting his innocence and attacking the prosecution.{{sfn|Cohen|Witcover|1974|pp=257–271}} Nevertheless, Agnew entered into negotiations for a [[plea bargain]] on the condition that he would not serve jail time.<ref name=podcast>{{Cite web|url=https://www.nbcnews.com/msnbc/maddow-bag-man-podcast/bag-man-episode-7-sources-n943261|title=Bag Man Episode 7 Sources|website=NBC News|date=December 4, 2018 |language=en|access-date=October 18, 2019|archive-date=October 19, 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191019213040/https://www.nbcnews.com/msnbc/maddow-bag-man-podcast/bag-man-episode-7-sources-n943261|url-status=live}}</ref> He wrote in his memoirs that he entered the plea bargain because he was worn out from the extended crisis, to protect his family, and because he feared he could not get a fair trial.{{Sfn|Agnew|1980|pp=146–147}} He made his decision on October 5, and plea negotiations took place over the following days. On October 9, Agnew visited Nixon at the White House and informed the President of his impending resignation.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|p=132}}

{{anchor|Resignation}}<!-- as an alternative to removing "and resignation" from the heading of this section and inserting this as a section heading here -->

[[File:Spiro Agnew's letter of resignation (photocopy initialled by Henry Kissinger).jpg|thumb|upright|alt=Typed letter on vice-presidential headed notepaper. Ddated October 10, 1973, it reads 'The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger The Secretary of State Washington, D. C. 20520 – Dear Mr. Secretary: I hereby resign the Office of Vice President of the United States, effective immediately. – Sincerely,' and is hand signed 'Spiro T. Agnew'. It carries the text '1405 HK', added by a second hand. |Photocopy of Agnew's letter of resignation, initialled and timed "1405" by Henry Kissinger. The initialled photocopy was returned to Agnew; the original is lost.]]

On October 10, 1973, Agnew appeared before the federal court in Baltimore, and pleaded ''[[nolo contendere]]'' (no contest) to one felony charge, tax evasion, for the year 1967. Richardson agreed that there would be no further prosecution of Agnew, and released a 40-page summary of the evidence. Agnew was fined $10,000 and placed on three years' unsupervised probation. Immediately prior to entering court, Agnew had an aide submit his formal letter of resignation to the Secretary of State, [[Henry Kissinger]], and sent a letter to Nixon stating he was resigning in the best interest of the nation. Nixon responded with a letter concurring that the resignation was necessary to avoid a lengthy period of division and uncertainty, and applauding Agnew for his patriotism and dedication to the welfare of the United States.{{sfn|Feerick|2014|pp=132–133}}