Editing Mexican Revolution (section)

===Sonoran generals in the presidency: 1920–1928===
{{See also|Sonora in the Mexican Revolution}}
[[File:Obregón Salido, Álvaro.jpg|thumb|left|upright|Revolutionary General and President of Mexico [[Álvaro Obregón]] (1920–1924)]]
[[File:Plutarco Elias Calles.jpg|thumb|left|upright|Revolutionary General and President of Mexico [[Plutarco Elías Calles]] (1924–1928)]]

There is no consensus when the Revolution ended, but the majority of scholars consider the 1920s and 1930s as being on the continuum of revolutionary change.<ref>Meyer, Jean. "Revolution and Reconstruction in the 1920s." ''Mexico since Independence'', Cambridge: [[Cambridge University Press]] 1991, 201–240</ref><ref>Benjamin, Thomas. "Rebuilding the Nation". ''The Oxford History of Mexico''. New York: [[Oxford University Press]] 2000, 467–502</ref><ref name=":2" />The end date of revolutionary consolidation has also been set at 1946, with the last general serving as president and the political party morphing into the [[Institutional Revolutionary Party]].<ref>[[Alan Knight (historian)|Knight, Alan]]. "The rise and fall of Cardenismo, c. 1930–1946". ''Mexico since Independence'', Cambridge: [[Cambridge University Press]] 1991, 241–320</ref>

In 1920, Sonoran revolutionary general Álvaro Obregón was elected President of Mexico and inaugurated in December 1920, following the coup engineered by him and revolutionary generals [[Plutarco Elías Calles]], and [[Adolfo de la Huerta]]. The coup was supported by other revolutionary generals against the civilian Carranza attempting to impose another civilian, [[Ignacio Bonillas]] as his successor. Obregón did not have to deal with two major revolutionary leaders. De la Huerta managed to persuade revolutionary general Pancho Villa to lay down his arms against the regime in return for a large estate in Durango, in northern Mexico. Carranza's agents had assassinated Emiliano Zapata in 1919, removing a consistent and effective opponent. Some counterrevolutionaries in Chiapas laid down their arms. The only pro-Carranza governor to resist the regime change was [[:es:Esteban Cantú|Esteban Cantú]] in Baja California, suppressed by northern revolutionary general [[Abelardo Rodríguez]],<ref>Matute, "Mexican Revolution: May 1917–1920". Encyclopedia of Mexico. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997, 864</ref> later to become president of Mexico. Although the 1917 Constitution was not fully implemented and parts of the country were still controlled by local strongmen, ''[[caciques]]'', Obregón's presidency did begin consolidation of parts of the revolutionary agenda, including expanded rights of labor and the peasantry.

Obregón was a pragmatist and not an ideologue, so that domestically he had to appeal to both the left and the right to ensure Mexico would not fall back into civil war. Securing labor rights built on Obregón's existing relationship with urban labor. The Constitutionists had made an alliance with labor during the revolution, mobilizing the [[Red Battalions]] against Zapata's and Villa's force. This alliance continued under Obregón's and Calles's terms as president. Obregón also focused on land reform. He had governors in various states push forward the reforms promised in the 1917 constitution. These were, however, quite limited. Former Zapatistas still had strong influence in the post-revolutionary government, so most of the reforms began in Morelos, the birthplace of the Zapatista movement.<ref>{{cite book|author=Russell|title=The History of Mexico: From Pre-Conquest to Present|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=K5xdBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA338|year=2011|pages=338–341|publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-136-96828-0}}</ref>

Obregón's government was faced with the need for stabilizing Mexico after a decade of civil war. With the revolutionary armies having defeated the old federal army, Obregón now dealt with military leaders who were used to wielding power violently. Enticing them to leave the political arena in exchange for material rewards was one tactic. De la Huerta had already successfully used it with Pancho Villa. Not trusting Villa to remain on the sidelines, Obregón had him assassinated in 1923.<ref>Dulles, John F.W. ''Yesterday in Mexico: A Chronicle of the Revolution, 1919–1936''. Austin: University of Texas Press 1961, 177–180</ref> In 1923 De la Huerta rebelled against Obregón and his choice of Calles as his successor as president, leading to a split in the military. The rebellion was suppressed and Obregón began to professionalize the military, reduced the number of troops by half, and forced officers to retire. Obregón (1920–24) followed by Calles (1924–28) viewed bringing the armed forces under state control as essential to stabilizing Mexico.<ref>Serrano, Mónica. "Military, 1914–1996". ''Encyclopedia of Mexico''. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997, 911</ref> Downsizing the military meant that state funds were freed up for other priorities, especially education.<ref>Matute, "Álvaro Obregón", 1032.</ref> Obregón's Minister of Education, [[José Vasconcelos]], initiated innovative broad educational and cultural programs.

Obregón sought diplomatic recognition by the U.S. in order to be considered legitimately holding power. He believed that once U.S. recognition was secured, other nations would follow suit. The U.S. and foreign interests were alarmed at provision in the new constitution powering the government to expropriate private property, and foreigners also had claims against Mexico for damage to their property during the decade of turmoil. American and British entrepreneurs had developed the petroleum industry in Mexico and had claims to oil still in the ground. Foreigners held extensive agricultural land that was now at risk to be distributed to landless Mexicans. Obregón and the U.S. entered in talks to sort out many issues, the [[Bucareli Treaty]], concluded in 1923, with the U.S. recognizing Obregón's government.<ref>Dulles, ''Yesterday in Mexico'', 158–172</ref> In Mexico the agreement was controversial, with it being perceived as making major concessions to the U.S. and undermining revolutionary goals, but Obregón pushed it through the legislature and gained American recognition. When his fellow Sonoran general De La Huerta rebelled later in 1923, the U.S. supplied Obregón with arms to put down the challenge.<ref>Matute, Álvaro. "Álvaro Obregón". ''Encyclopedia of Mexico''. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997, 1032–1033</ref>

[[File:Guerra cristera.png|thumb|Conflict zones of the Cristero War. Map of Mexico showing regions in which Cristero outbreaks occurred <br/> {{leftlegend|red|Large-scale outbreaks}}{{leftlegend|orange|Moderate outbreaks}}{{leftlegend|gold|Sporadic outbreaks}}]]
In an attempt to buffer his regime against further coups, Calles began arming peasants and factory workers with surplus weapons. He continued other reforms pushed by his predecessor, but Calles was virulently [[anti-clerical]] and unlike Obregón who largely avoided direct conflict with the Catholic Church, Calles as president enforced the anticlerical provisions of the 1917 Constitution. Calles also put into effect a national school system that was largely secular to combat church influence in late 1924. After two years the state crackdown, the Catholic Church protested by going on its version of a strike, refusing to baptize, marry, give last rites, or give communion to parishioners. Many peasants also joined in opposition to the state's crackdown on religion, beginning the [[Cristero War]], named for their clarion call ''Viva Cristo Rey'' ("long live Christ the king"). It was a lengthy, major uprising against the revolutionary vision of the Mexican state in central Mexico, not a short-lived, localized rebellion. Calles's stringent enforcement of anticlerical laws had an impact on the presidential succession, with Calles's comrade and chosen successor, ex-President and President-elect Obregón being assassinated by a religious fanatic in 1928, plunging the political system into a major crisis. By law Calles could not be re-elected, but a solution needed to be found to keep political power in the hands of the revolutionary elite and prevent the country from reverting to civil war.