Editing Belgian Congo (section)

==Toward independence==
In the early 1950s, political emancipation of the Congolese elites, let alone of the masses, seemed like a distant event. But it was clear that the Congo could not forever remain immune from the rapid changes that, after the Second World War, profoundly affected colonialism around the world. The independence of the British, French and Dutch colonies in Asia shortly after 1945 had little immediate effect in the Congo, but in the [[United Nations]] pressure on [[Belgium]] (as on other colonial powers) increased. Belgium had ratified article 73 of the [[United Nations Charter]], which advocated self-determination, and both superpowers put pressure on Belgium to reform its Congo policy; the Belgian government tried to resist what it described as 'interference' with its colonial policy.

Colonial authorities discussed ways to ameliorate the situation of the Congolese. Since the 1940s, the colonial government had experimented in a very modest way with granting a limited elite of so-called ''[[évolué]]s'' more civil rights, holding out the eventual prospect of a limited amount of political influence. To this end "deserving" Congolese could apply for a proof of "civil merit", or, one step up, 'immatriculation' (registration), i.e., official evidence of their assimilation with European civilisation. To acquire this status, the applicant had to fulfill strict conditions (monogamous matrimony, evidence of good behaviour, etc.) and submit to stringent controls (including house visits). This policy was a failure. By the mid-1950s, there were at best a few thousand Congolese who had successfully obtained the civil merit diploma or been granted "immatriculation". The supposed benefits attached to it—including equal legal status with the white population—proved often more theory than reality and led to open frustration with the ''évolués''. When Governor-General Pétillon began to speak about granting the native people more civil rights, even suffrage, to create what he termed a "Belgo-Congolese community", his ideas were met with indifference from Brussels and often with open hostility from some of the Belgians in the Congo, who feared for their privileges.<ref>[[Isidore Ndaywel è Nziem|Ndaywel è Nziem]], Isidore (1998), ''Histoire générale du Congo'', Paris-Brussels: De Boeck & Larcier, pp. 456–63.</ref>

It became increasingly evident that the Belgian government lacked a strategic long-term vision in relation to the Congo. 'Colonial affairs' did not generate much interest or political debate in Belgium, so long as the colony seemed to be thriving and calm. A notable exception was the young [[Baudouin of Belgium|King Baudouin]], who had succeeded his father, King Leopold III, under dramatic circumstances in 1951, when [[Royal Question|Leopold III was forced to abdicate]]. Baudouin took a close interest in the Belgian Congo.

On his first [[state visit]] to the Belgian Congo in 1955, King Baudouin was welcomed enthusiastically by cheering crowds of whites and blacks alike, as captured in [[André Cauvin]]'s documentary film, ''Bwana Kitoko''.<ref>{{cite book |title=Bwana Kitoko en de koning van de Bakuba |first=Erik |last=Raspoet |year=2005 |publisher=Meulenhoff/Manteau |isbn=90-8542-020-2}}</ref> Foreign observers, such as the international correspondent of ''[[Manchester Guardian|The Manchester Guardian]]'' or a ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' journalist,<ref>{{Cite magazine |url=https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1955-05-boom-in-the-jungle.pdf |title=Congo: Boom in the Jungle |date=16 May 1955 |magazine=Time |access-date=2017-10-28 |language=en-US |issn=0040-781X |via=Radishmag |archive-date=28 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201856/https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1955-05-boom-in-the-jungle.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{cite magazine |date=May 16, 1955 |title=CONGO: Boom in the Jungle |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,866343,00.html |magazine=Time |access-date=28 October 2017 |archive-date=28 August 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170828025115/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,866343,00.html |url-status=live }}</ref> remarked that Belgian paternalism "seemed to work", and contrasted Belgium's seemingly loyal and enthusiastic colonial subjects with the restless French and British colonies. On the occasion of his visit, King Baudouin openly endorsed the Governor-General's vision of a "Belgo-Congolese community"; but, in practice, this idea progressed slowly. At the same time, divisive ideological and linguistic issues in Belgium, which heretofore had been successfully kept out of the colony's affairs, began to affect the Congo as well. These included the rise of unionism among workers, the call for public (state) schools to break the missions' monopoly on education, and the call for equal treatment in the colony of both Belgian national languages: [[French language|French]] and [[Dutch language|Dutch]]. Until then, French had been promoted as the sole colonial language. The Governor-General feared that such divisive issues would undermine the authority of the colonial government in the eyes of the Congolese, while also diverting attention from the more pressing need for true [[emancipation]].

===Political organisation===
[[File:Joseph Kasa-Vubu at the Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference.jpg|thumb|upright|right|[[Joseph Kasa-Vubu]], leader of ABAKO and the first democratically elected President of the [[Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville)]]]]
[[File:Patrice Lumumba, 1960.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Patrice Lumumba]], first democratically elected Prime Minister of the [[Republic of the Congo (Léopoldville)]]]]
The participation of Congolese people in the [[Second World War]] and news of changes in other colonies resulted in their organising to gain more power. As a result of the inability of the colonial government to introduce radical and credible changes, the Congolese elites began to organise themselves socially and soon also politically. In the 1950s, two markedly different forms of nationalism arose among the Congolese elites.{{citation needed|date=January 2024}} The nationalist movement—to which the Belgian authorities, to some degree, turned a blind eye—promoted [[territorial nationalism]], wherein the Belgian Congo would become one politically united state after independence.

In opposition to this was the ethno-religious and regional nationalism that took hold in the [[Bakongo]] territories of the west coast, [[Kasai region|Kasai]] and [[Katanga Province|Katanga]].{{citation needed|date=January 2024}} The first political organisations were of the latter type. [[ABAKO]], founded in 1950 as the ''Association culturelle des Bakongo'' and headed by [[Joseph Kasa-Vubu]], was initially a cultural association that soon turned political. From the mid-1950s, it became a vocal opponent of Belgian colonial rule. Additionally, the organization continued to serve as the major ethno-religious organization for the Bakongo and became closely intertwined with the [[Kimbanguist Church]], which was extremely popular in the lower Congo.{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}

In 1955, Belgian professor [[Antoine van Bilsen]] published a treatise called ''Thirty Year Plan for the Political Emancipation of Belgian Africa''.<ref>Gerard-Libois, Jules (1989), "Vers l'Indépendance: une accélération imprévue", In ''Congo-Zaïre'', Brussels: GRIP, pp. 43–56.</ref> The timetable called for the gradual emancipation of the Congo over a 30-year period—the time Van Bilsen expected it would take to create an educated elite who could replace the Belgians in positions of power. The Belgian government and many of the ''évolués'' were suspicious of the plan—the former because it meant eventually giving up the Congo, and the latter because Belgium would continue to rule for another three decades. A group of [[Catholic Church|Catholic]] ''évolués'' responded positively to the plan with a moderate manifesto in a Congolese journal called ''Conscience Africaine''; they raised issues as to the extent of Congolese participation.<ref>Kalulambi Pongo, Martin (2009), "Le manifeste 'Conscience africaine: genèse, influences et réactions", In Tousignant, Nathalie (ed.), ''Le manifeste Conscience africaine, 1956'', Brussels: Facultés Universitaires Saint-Louis, pp. 59–81.</ref>

In 1957, by way of experiment, the colonial government organised the first municipal elections in three urban centres (Léopoldville, Elisabethville and Jadotville), in which Congolese people were allowed to stand for office and cast their vote. Events in 1957–58 led to a sudden acceleration in the demands for political emancipation. The independence of [[Ghana]] in 1957 and [[Charles De Gaulle|President De Gaulle's]] August 1958 visit to [[Brazzaville]], the capital of the [[French Congo]], on the other side of the Congo river to Léopoldville, in which he promised [[French Fifth Republic|France]]'s African colonies the free choice between a continued association with France or full independence, aroused ambitions in the Congo. The World Exhibition organised in [[Brussels]] in 1958 ([[Expo 58]]) proved another eye-opener for many Congolese leaders, who were allowed to travel to Belgium for the first time.<ref>Aziza Etambala, Zana (2008), ''De teloorgang van een modelkolonie, Belgisch Congo 1958–1960'', Leuven: Acco, pp. 105–110.</ref><ref>{{Cite magazine |url=https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1957-12-too-late-too-little.pdf |title=Belgian Congo: Too Late, Too Little? |date=23 December 1957 |magazine=Time |access-date=2017-10-28 |language=en-US |issn=0040-781X |via=Radishmag |archive-date=16 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141216125731/https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1957-12-too-late-too-little.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{cite magazine |date=December 23, 1957 |title=Belgian Congo: Too Late, Too Little? |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,936763,00.html |magazine=Time |access-date=28 October 2017 |archive-date=1 May 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170501001542/http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,936763,00.html |url-status=live }}</ref>

In 1958, the demands for independence radicalised quickly and gained momentum. A key role was played by the ''[[Mouvement National Congolais]]'' (MNC). First set up in 1956, the MNC was established in October 1958 as a national political party that supported the goal of a unitary and centralised Congolese nation. Its most influential leader was the charismatic [[Patrice Lumumba]]. In 1959, an internal split was precipitated by [[Albert Kalonji]] and other MNC leaders who favoured a more moderate political stance (the splinter group was deemed [[Mouvement National Congolais-Kalonji]]). Despite the organisational divergence of the party, Lumumba's leftist faction (now the [[Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba]]) and the MNC collectively had established themselves as by far the most important and influential party in the Belgian Congo. Belgium vehemently opposed Lumumba's leftist views and had grave concerns about the status of their financial interests should Lumumba's MNC gain power.{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}

===Independence===
While the Belgian government was debating a programme to gradually extend the political emancipation of the Congolese population, it was overtaken by events. On 4 January 1959, a prohibited political demonstration organised in Léopoldville by ABAKO got out of hand. At once, the colonial capital was in the grip of extensive rioting. It took the authorities several days to restore order and, by the most conservative count, several hundred died. The eruption of violence sent a shockwave through the Congo and Belgium alike.<ref>{{Cite magazine |url=https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1959-01-if-blood-must-run.pdf |title=Belgian Congo: If Blood Must Run |date=19 January 1959 |magazine=Time |access-date=2017-10-28 |language=en-US |issn=0040-781X |via=Radishmag |archive-date=16 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141216125735/https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1959-01-if-blood-must-run.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{cite magazine |date=January 19, 1959 |title=BELGIAN CONGO: If Blood Must Run |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,868969,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110201082719/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,868969,00.html |archive-date=2011-02-01 |magazine=Time }}</ref> On 13 January, [[Baudouin of Belgium|King Baudouin]] addressed the nation by radio and declared that Belgium would work towards the full independence of the Congo "[[King Baudouin speech (13 January 1959)|without delay, but also without irresponsible rashness]]".<ref>Koning Boudewijn. 35 jaar dialoog met de natie. Een keuze uit de koninklijke toespraken van 1951 tot 1986. Lannoo Tielt, Inbel, 1986, blz. 124.</ref>

Without committing to a specific date for independence, the government of prime minister [[Gaston Eyskens]] had a multi-year transition period in mind. They thought provincial elections would take place in December 1959, national elections in 1960 or 1961, after which administrative and political responsibilities would be gradually transferred to the Congolese, in a process presumably to be completed towards the mid-1960s. On the ground, circumstances were changing much more rapidly.<ref>Young, Crawford (1965), ''Politics in the Congo" Decolonization and Independence'', Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 140–161.</ref> Increasingly, the colonial administration saw varied forms of resistance, such as refusal to pay taxes. In some regions anarchy threatened.<ref>Ryckmans, Geneviève (1995), ''André Ryckmans, un territorial du Congo belge''. Paris. L'Harmattan, pp. 215–224.</ref> At the same time many Belgians resident in the Congo opposed independence, feeling betrayed by Brussels. Faced with a radicalisation of Congolese demands, the government saw the chances of a gradual and carefully planned transition dwindling rapidly.<ref>{{Cite magazine |url=https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1959-10-return-of-the-mundele.pdf |title=The Belgian Congo : Return of the Mundele |date=12 October 1959 |magazine=Time |access-date=2017-10-28 |language=en-US |issn=0040-781X |via=Radishmag |archive-date=16 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141216125737/https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1959-10-return-of-the-mundele.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{cite magazine |date=October 12, 1959 |title=THE BELGIAN CONGO: Return of the Mundele |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864032,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101203183837/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864032,00.html |archive-date=2010-12-03 |magazine=Time }}</ref>[[File:Ronde Tafel Conferentie te Brussel Congo, Bestanddeelnr 910-9593.jpg|thumb|220px|Opening meeting of the Belgo-Congolese Round Table Conference in Brussels on 20 January 1960]]

In 1959, King Baudouin made another visit to the Belgian Congo, finding a great contrast with his visit of four years before. Upon his arrival in Léopoldville, he was pelted with rocks by black Belgo-Congolese citizens who were angry with the imprisonment of Lumumba, convicted because of incitement against the colonial government. Though Baudouin's reception in other cities was considerably better, the shouts of "Vive le roi!" were often followed by "Indépendance immédiate!" The Belgian government wanted to avoid being drawn into a futile and potentially very bloody colonial war, as had happened to France in [[First Indochina War|Indochina]] and [[Algerian War|Algeria]], or to the Netherlands in [[Indonesian National Revolution|Indonesia]]. For that reason, it was inclined to give in to the demands for immediate independence voiced by the Congolese leaders.<ref>{{Cite magazine |url=https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1959-11-now-now-now.pdf |title=Belgian Congo: Now Now Now |date=16 November 1959 |magazine=Time |access-date=2017-10-28 |language=en-US |issn=0040-781X |via=Radishmag |archive-date=16 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141216125729/https://radishmag.files.wordpress.com/2013/04/1959-11-now-now-now.pdf |url-status=live }}
* {{cite magazine |date=November 16, 1959 |title=BELGIAN CONGO: Now Now Now |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,811442,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110201085122/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,811442,00.html |archive-date=2011-02-01 |magazine=Time }}</ref>

Despite lack of preparation and an insufficient number of educated elites (there were only a handful of Congolese holding a university degree at that time), the Belgian leaders decided to accept the independence. In fact, the weakness of local elites was seen favorably by the Belgian government and business leaders, who hoped this would make it easier for them to remain in charge of key aspects of the country's politics and economy. This approach, different from both the [[Wars of national liberation|colonial wars]] and the more gradual [[decolonization]] other European states engaged in, became known as "{{lang|fr|Le Pari Congolais}}"—the Congolese bet.<ref>{{cite book |last=De Witte |first=Ludo |author-link=Ludo De Witte |date=1996 |title=Crisis in Kongo. De rol van de Verenigde Naties, de regering-Eyskens en het koningshuis in de omverwerping van Lumumba en de opkomst van Mobutu |location=Leuven |publisher=Uitgeverij Van Halewyck |page=31 |isbn=9789056170523}}</ref>

In January 1960, Congolese political leaders were invited to Brussels to participate in [[Congolese Round Table Conference|a round-table conference]] to discuss independence. Patrice Lumumba was discharged from prison for the occasion. The conference agreed surprisingly quickly to grant the Congolese practically all of their demands: a general election to be held in May 1960 and full independence—"Dipenda"—on 30 June 1960. This was in response to the strong united front put up by the Congolese delegation.

[[File:Patrice Lumumba signs the document granting independence to the Congo next to Belgian Prime Minister Gaston Eyskens.jpg|thumb|right|Lumumba and Eyskens sign the document granting independence to the Congo]]
Political maneuvering ahead of the elections resulted in the emergence of three political alliances: a coalition of the federalistic nationalists consisting of six separatist parties or organizations, two of which were ABAKO and the [[Mouvement National Congolais-Kalonji|MNC—Kalonji]]; the centralist [[Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba|MNC—Lumumba]]; and that of [[Moïse Tshombe]], the [[Political strongman|strongman]] of Katanga, who wanted to preserve the business interests of the [[Union Minière du Haut Katanga|Union Minière]] (as Kalonji did with respect to the diamond exploitations in Kasaï). The parliamentary elections resulted in a divided political landscape, with both the regionalist factions—chief among them ABAKO—and the nationalist parties such as the MNC, doing well. A compromise arrangement was forced through, with Kasa-Vubu becoming the first president of the Republic of the Congo, and Lumumba its first head of government. As planned scarcely five months earlier, the hand-over ceremony by the Belgians took place on time on 30 June 1960 at the new residence of the Governor-General of the Belgian Congo in Léopoldville.

One week later, a rebellion broke out within the ''Force Publique'' against its officers, who were still predominantly Belgian. This was a catalyst for disturbances arising all over the Congo, mainly instigated by dissatisfied soldiers and radicalized youngsters. In many areas, their violence specifically targeted European victims. Within weeks, the Belgian military and later a United Nations intervention force evacuated the largest part of the more than 80,000 Belgians who were still working and living in the Congo.<ref>{{cite book |last=Verlinden |first=Peter |year=2002 |title=Weg uit Congo, Het drama van de kolonialen |location=Leuven |publisher=[[Davidsfonds]]}}</ref>