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== Legacy == [[File:Yangzhou - Wenchang Square - Jiang Zemin inscription - P1070047.JPG|thumb|Jiang's inscription engraved on a stone in his hometown, [[Yangzhou]]]] The policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and [[Wen Jiabao]], have widely been seen as efforts to address perceived imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.<ref>[[Willy Lam|Lam, Willy]]. Chinese Politics in the Hu Jintao era. pp. 44–46</ref> Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some people attributed the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term,<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-20038774|title=Profile: Jiang Zemin|date=23 October 2012|work=BBC News|publisher=BBC|access-date=21 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171203054404/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-20038774|archive-date=3 December 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> others argue that Jiang did little to correct systemic imbalance and an accumulation of problems which resulted from years of breakneck-pace economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable challenges, some of which may have been too late to solve.<ref name="tairenxing">{{cite news|language=zh-cn |script-title=zh:江泽民"太任性" 习近平再造中共|url=http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-02-05/59634125.html|work=Duowei News|access-date=25 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150905122623/http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-02-05/59634125.html|archive-date=5 September 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> The fact that Jiang rose to power as the direct beneficiary of the political aftermath of Tiananmen has shaped the perception of his rule. Following the Tiananmen protests, Jiang threw his support behind elder Chen Yun's conservative economic policies, but subsequently changed his allegiance to Deng Xiaoping's reform-oriented agenda following the latter's "Southern Tour". This shift was not only seen as the exercise of a political opportunist, it also sowed confusion among party loyalists in regards to what direction the party was headed or what the party truly believed in.<ref name="miles">{{cite book|last1=Miles|first1=James A. R.|title=The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray|date=1997|isbn=978-0-472-08451-7|page=[https://archive.org/details/legacyoftiananme00jame/page/59 59]|publisher=University of Michigan Press |url=https://archive.org/details/legacyoftiananme00jame/page/59}}</ref> While continued economic reforms resulted in an explosion of wealth around the country, it also led to the formation of special interest groups in many sectors of the economy, and the exercise of state power without any meaningful oversight. This opened the way for the sub-optimal distribution of the fruits of growth, and an expanding culture of corruption among bureaucrats and party officials.<ref name="tairenxing" /> Historian and former Xinhua journalist [[Yang Jisheng (journalist)|Yang Jisheng]] wrote that Jiang might well have been given a positive historical assessment had it not been for his decision to 'overstay his welcome' by remaining in the Central Military Commission post after Hu had formally assumed the party leadership. Moreover, Jiang took credit for all the gains made during the 13 years "between 1989 and 2002", which not only evoked the memories of Jiang being a beneficiary of Tiananmen, but also neglected the economic foundations laid by Deng, whose authority was still paramount until the mid-1990s. Additionally, Jiang was also criticized for his insistence on writing the "Three Represents" into the party and state constitutions (see below), which Yang called Jiang's attempt at "self-deification", i.e., that he saw himself as a visionary along the same lines as Deng and Mao. Yang contended, "The 'Three Represents' is just common sense. It is not a proper theoretical framework. It's what any ruler would tell the people to justify the continued rule of the governing party."<ref name="jisheng">{{cite news|language=zh-cn |script-title=zh:杨继绳:江泽民三件蠢事声望大大下降|url=http://history.dwnews.com/news/2015-06-20/59661964.html|work=Duowei News|date=20 June 2015|access-date=22 June 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150622210632/http://history.dwnews.com/news/2015-06-20/59661964.html|archive-date=22 June 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed most of the economic governance of the country to premier Zhu Rongji and remained in office through the [[Asian financial crisis]]. Under their joint leadership, [[Mainland China]] sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Additionally, he helped increase China's international standing with China joining the [[World Trade Organization]] in 2001 and Beijing winning the bid to host the [[2008 Summer Olympics]].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Chen |first1=Stella |last2=Huang |first2=Cary |last3=Mai |first3=Jun |title=Jiang Zemin: the president who took China from Tiananmen pariah to rising power |url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3201571/jiang-zemin-president-who-took-china-tiananmen-pariah-rising-power |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=South China Morning Post |date=30 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref> Some have also associated Jiang with the widespread corruption and cronyism that had become a notable feature of the Communist power apparatus since Jiang's years in power. In the military, the two vice-chairmen who sat atop the Central Military Commission hierarchy – nominally as assistants to then chairman Hu Jintao – Vice Chairmen Xu Caihou and [[Guo Boxiong]], were said to have obstructed Hu Jintao's exercise of power in the military. Xu and Guo were characterized as "Jiang's proxies in the military". Eventually, both men were reported to have taken massive bribes, and both fell under the axe of the [[anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping]].<ref name="weakgrip">{{cite news|title=Hu Jintao's weak grip on China's army inspired Xi Jinping's military shake-up: sources|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1734663/hu-jintaos-weak-grip-chinas-army-inspired-president-xi-jinpings-military|work=South China Morning Post|date=11 March 2015|access-date=25 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151119195808/http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1734663/hu-jintaos-weak-grip-chinas-army-inspired-president-xi-jinpings-military|archive-date=19 November 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> At the same time, many biographers of Jiang have noted his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship.<ref>Kuhn, 2004; Lam, 1997</ref> Many of the policies of his era had been attributed to others in government, notably premier Zhu Rongji. Jiang was also characterized as a leader who was mindful to seek the opinion of his close advisers. Jiang is often credited with the improvement in foreign relations during his term,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=76&catid=2&subcatid=7 |title=China under Jiang Zemin |publisher=Facts and Details |date=1 October 1928 |access-date=7 March 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101123022821/http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=76&catid=2&subcatid=7 |archive-date=23 November 2010 }}</ref> but at the same time many Chinese have criticized him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of [[Chinese unification]] between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/asiapcf/east/09/25/willy.column/|title=Smoke clears over China's U.S. strategy|author=Willy Wo-Lap Lam|publisher=CNN|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131211211944/http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/asiapcf/east/09/25/willy.column/|archive-date=11 December 2013|access-date=6 December 2013}}</ref>
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