Editing Carthage (section)

==Constitution of state==
{{Main|Constitution of Carthage}}
[[File:Nuremberg chronicles f 40v 2.png|thumb|Idealized depiction of Carthage from the 1493 ''[[Nuremberg Chronicle]]'']]
A "suffet" (possibly two) was elected by the citizens, and held office with no military power for a one-year term. Carthaginian generals marshalled mercenary armies and were separately elected. From about 550 to 450 the Magonid family monopolized the top military position; later the Barcid family acted similarly. Eventually it came to be that, after a war, the commanding general had to testify justifying his actions before a court of 104 judges.<ref>{{cite book|last=Warmington|first=B. H.|orig-year=1960|year= 1964|title=Carthage|publisher=Robert Hale, Pelican|pages=144–147}}</ref>

[[Aristotle]] (384–322) discusses Carthage in his work, ''[[Politics (Aristotle)|Politica]]''; he begins: "The Carthaginians are also considered to have an excellent form of government." He briefly describes the city as a "mixed constitution", a political arrangement with cohabiting elements of [[monarchy]], [[aristocracy]], and [[democracy]], i.e., a king ([[Greek language|Gk]]: basileus), a council of elders (Gk: gerusia), and the people (Gk: demos).<ref>Aristotle, ''Politica'' at Book II, Chapter 11, (1272b–1274b); in ''The Basic Works of Aristotle'' edited by R. McKeon, translated by B. Jowett (Random House 1941), ''Politica'' at pages 1113–1316, "Carthage" at 1171–1174.</ref> Later [[Polybius|Polybius of Megalopolis]] ({{circa|204}}–122, Greek) in his ''[[The Histories (Polybius)|Histories]]'' would describe the [[Roman Republic]] in more detail as a mixed constitution in which the [[Roman consul|Consuls]] were the monarchy, the [[Roman Senate|Senate]] the aristocracy, and the [[Roman assemblies|Assemblies]] the democracy.<ref>Polybius, ''Histories'' VI, 11–18, translated as ''The Rise of the Roman Empire'' (Penguin 1979) at 311–318.</ref>

Evidently Carthage also had an institution of [[Elder (administrative title)|elders]] who advised the Suffets, similar to a Greek ''{{lang|grc-Latn|gerusia}}'' or the [[Roman Senate]]. We do not have a Punic name for this body. At times its members would travel with an army general on campaign. Members also formed permanent [[committees]]. The institution had several hundred members drawn from the wealthiest class who held office for life. Vacancies were probably filled by recruitment from among the elite, i.e., by [[co-option]]. From among its members were selected the [[Hundred and Four|104 Judges]] mentioned above. Later the 104 would come to evaluate not only army generals but other office holders as well. Aristotle regarded the 104 as most important; he compared it to the [[ephor]]ate of [[Sparta]] with regard to control over security. In Hannibal's time, such a Judge held office for life. At some stage there also came to be independent self-perpetuating boards of five who filled vacancies and supervised (non-military) government administration.<ref>Warmington, ''Carthage'' (1960; Penguin 1964) at 147–148.</ref>

Popular [[Deliberative assembly|assemblies]] also existed at Carthage. When deadlocked the Suffets and the quasi-senatorial institution of elders might request the assembly to vote; also, assembly votes were requested in very crucial matters in order to achieve political consensus and popular coherence. The assembly members had no ''legal'' wealth or birth qualification. How its members were selected is unknown, e.g., whether by festival group or urban ward or another method.<ref>Warmington, ''Carthage'' (1960; Penguin 1964) at 148.</ref><ref>Aristotle presents a slightly more expansive interpretation of the role of assemblies. ''Politica'' II, 11, (1273a/6–11); McKeon, ed., ''Basic Works of Aristotle'' (1941) at 1172.</ref><ref>Compare [[Roman assemblies]].</ref>

The Greeks were favourably impressed by the constitution of Carthage; [[Aristotle]] had a separate study of it made which unfortunately is lost. In his ''Politica'' he states: "The government of Carthage is oligarchical, but they successfully escape the evils of oligarchy by enriching one portion of the people after another by sending them to their colonies." "[T]heir policy is to send some [poorer citizens] to their dependent towns, where they grow rich."<ref>Aristotle, ''Politica'' at II, 11, (1273b/17–20), and at VI, 5, (1320b/4–6) re colonies; in McKeon, ed., ''Basic Works of Aristotle'' (1941) at 1173, and at 1272.</ref><ref>"Aristotle said that the oligarchy was careful to treat the masses liberally and allow them a share in the profitable exploitation of the subject territories." Warmington, ''Carthage'' (1960, 1964) at 149, citing Aristotle's ''Politica'' as here.</ref> Yet Aristotle continues, "[I]f any misfortune occurred, and the bulk of the subjects revolted, there would be no way of restoring peace by legal means." Aristotle remarked also:

<blockquote>Many of the Carthaginian institutions are excellent. The superiority of their constitution is proved by the fact that the common people remain loyal to the constitution; the Carthaginians have never had any rebellion worth speaking of, and have never been under the rule of a [[tyrant]].<ref>Aristotle, ''Politica'' at II, 11, (1273b/23–24) re misfortune and revolt, (1272b/29–32) re constitution and loyalty; in McKeon, ed., ''Basic Works of Aristotle'' (1941) at 1173, 1171.</ref></blockquote>

The city-state of Carthage, whose citizens were mainly ''Libyphoenicians'' (of Phoenician ancestry born in Africa), dominated and exploited an agricultural countryside composed mainly of native Berber sharecroppers and farmworkers, whose affiliations to Carthage were open to divergent possibilities. Beyond these more settled Berbers and the Punic farming towns and rural manors, lived the independent Berber tribes, who were mostly pastoralists.

In the brief, uneven review of government at Carthage found in his ''Politica'' Aristotle mentions several faults. Thus, "that the same person should hold many [[office]]s, which is a favorite practice among the Carthaginians." Aristotle disapproves, mentioning the flute-player and the shoemaker. Also, that "magistrates should be chosen not only for their merit but for their wealth." Aristotle's opinion is that focus on pursuit of wealth will lead to [[oligarchy]] and its evils.

<blockquote>[S]urely it is a bad thing that the greatest offices... should be bought. The law which allows this abuse makes wealth of more account than virtue, and the whole state becomes avaricious. For, whenever the chiefs of the state deem anything honorable, the other citizens are sure to follow their example; and, where virtue has not the first place, their aristocracy cannot be firmly established.<ref>Aristotle, ''Politica'' at II, 11, (1273b/8–16) re one person many offices, and (1273a/22–1273b/7) re oligarchy; in McKeon, ed., ''Basic Works of Aristotle'' (1941) at 1173, 1172–1273.</ref></blockquote>

In Carthage the people seemed politically satisfied and submissive, according to the historian Warmington. They in their assemblies only rarely exercised the few opportunities given them to assent to state decisions. Popular influence over government appears not to have been an issue at Carthage. Being a commercial republic fielding a [[mercenary]] army, the people were not conscripted for military service, an experience which can foster the feel for popular political action. But perhaps this misunderstands the society; perhaps the people, whose values were based on small-group loyalty, felt themselves sufficiently connected to their city's leadership by the very integrity of the person-to-person linkage within their social fabric. Carthage was very stable; there were few openings for [[tyrants]]. Only after defeat by Rome devastated Punic imperial ambitions did the people of Carthage seem to question their governance and to show interest in political reform.<ref>Warmington, ''Carthage'' (1960, 1964) at 143–144, 148–150. "The fact is that compared to Greeks and Romans the Carthaginians were essentially non-political." ''Ibid.'' at 149.</ref>

In 196, following the [[Second Punic War]] (218–201), [[Hannibal]], still greatly admired as a Barcid military leader, was elected [[suffet]]. When his reforms were blocked by a financial official about to become a judge for life, Hannibal rallied the populace against the 104 judges. He proposed a one-year term for the 104, as part of a major civic overhaul. Additionally, the reform included a restructuring of the city's revenues, and the fostering of trade and agriculture. The changes rather quickly resulted in a noticeable increase in prosperity. Yet his incorrigible political opponents cravenly went to Rome, to charge Hannibal with conspiracy, namely, plotting war against Rome in league with [[Antiochus III the Great|Antiochus]] the Hellenic ruler of [[Seleucid Empire|Syria]]. Although the Roman [[Scipio Africanus]] resisted such manoeuvre, eventually intervention by Rome forced Hannibal to leave Carthage. Thus, corrupt city officials efficiently blocked Hannibal in his efforts to reform the government of Carthage.<ref>H. H. Scullard, ''A History of the Roman World, 753–146 BC'' (London: Methuen 1935, 4th ed. 1980; reprint Routledge 1991) at 306–307.</ref><ref>Warmington, ''Carthage'' at 240–241, citing the Roman historian [[Livy]].</ref>

Mago (6th century) was King of Carthage; the [[head of state]], war leader, and religious figurehead. His family was considered to possess a sacred quality. Mago's office was somewhat similar to that of a [[pharaoh]], but although kept in a family it was not hereditary, it was limited by legal consent. Picard, accordingly, believes that the council of elders and the popular assembly are late institutions. Carthage was founded by the king of Tyre who had a royal monopoly on this trading venture. Thus it was the royal authority stemming from this traditional source of power that the King of Carthage possessed. Later, as other Phoenician ship companies entered the trading region, and so associated with the city-state, the King of Carthage had to keep order among a rich variety of powerful merchants in their negotiations among themselves and over risky commerce across the Mediterranean. Under these circumstance, the office of king began to be transformed. Yet it was not until the aristocrats of Carthage became wealthy owners of agricultural lands in Africa that a council of elders was institutionalized at Carthage.<ref>Picard, ''Life and Death of Carthage'' (1968) at 80–86</ref>